Climbing to the Rooftop,Falling off,yet Landing on One’s Feet (and Finding a Wallet on the Pavement?): The Electoral Fate of the Greek Ecogreens (2004–15)

After a prolonged period of feeble electoral success, the Ecologists Greens (Ecogreens) managed to break into the Greek political landscape by electing one MEP in the 2009 European election. However, that electoral success proved to be quite short-lived, since in the years to follow the Greek Greens faded away. They were divided and faced the threat of political extinction, only to be resuscitated at the national election of 2015 by allying themselves with the winning leftist Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). This article draws on archival and survey data to recount the electoral fate of the Ecologists Greens from their creation to their current place in the Greek parliament and government.     

媒体事件中的网络意见领袖研究

当危机事件转化成媒体事件的时候,新闻和媒体帮助建构了一种共享的社会危机现象,网络意见领袖“脱颖而出”。网络意见领袖的产生需有客观的媒体环境。在媒体事件中,网络意见领袖呈现阶段性的特征,并有自身独特的网络媒介能力和媒价策略。     

Determinants of Extreme Right Reappearance in Cyprus: The National Popular Front (ELAM), Golden Dawn's Sister Party

The article focuses on the reappearance of the extreme right in Cyprus, with the aim of understanding the wider trends and local structural determinants that favoured its return. The research examines both the structure of opportunity favouring the reappearance of the extreme right—i.e. the current economic crisis and unemployment, the legitimacy crisis of the political and party systems, and the political and institutional context—and the way the extreme-right party (National Popular Front – ELAM) responded to these opportunities, capitalising on its special relationship with the Greek Golden Dawn. This paper will argue that the extreme right is the outgrowth of a systemic (economic and political) crisis, as well as a reflection of how Cypriot political actors regard and react to the extreme right's signatory issues.     

Unproblematic archaeology 1

This article, focusing on regional development issues, discusses thepolicy alternatives that might be mobilized to reverse the centralizing forces unleashed by the pursuit of neo-liberal policies in the European Union. It highlights the limitations of contemporary versions of the managed economy model, and explores the significance of anemerging model of development rooted in socioeconomics, and stressing the powers of ‘associationism’. While broadly sympathizing with this third way-in between market and hierarchy - as a basis for generating economic success, the article goes on to argue that questions of social equity and political democracy remain unresolved by the associationist agenda.     

The political obstacles to economic reform in North Korea: The ultra cautious strategy in comparative perspective

As a result of the financial crisis, some commentators see the reform process in the East Asian states as an outcome of the disciplining behaviour of financial markets that will lead to the emergence of a neoliberal form of capitalism. The Malaysian experience suggests, however, that progress to neoliberal forms of economic organization will not be inevitable, despite governments having to increasingly accommodate global markets. In Malaysia, the degree to which a neoliberal adjustment response could be embraced was limited by domestic political factors. First, the government needed to maintain the ethnic based distributive policy that favours ethnic Malays with material entitlements for reasons of state and regime security. Second, the state was not wholly insulated from a key social group that emerged as a result of the ethnic-based distributive policy, namely an elite Malay corporate group. A third reason was economic nationalism, a major component of Prime Minister Mahathir's vision for the country that stressed the building up of Malaysian corporations and conglomerates. Access to domestic sources of funds for adjustment and the centralization of power in the government, particularly in the office of the Prime Minister, facilitated this process of defending national economic arrangements, at least during the period in question. The limited liberalization of the ethnic based distributive policy did not, however, imply a shift in the ideological and policy agenda towards complete embrace of neoliberal norms and practices. The imposition of capital controls, although announced as a temporary measure to allow space for the government to pursue its preferred course of adjustment, further indicates that the commitment to free markets in Malaysia is instrumental. The Malaysian case suggests that movement towards neoliberal forms of economic organization as a result of the financial crisis may be limited and is not inevitable.     

Introduction

Central Eastern Europe (further CEE) has been thoroughly reconstructed during nearly a quarter of century since the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the cold war. The CEE countries turned to the West for economic and technological advancement, for political and administrative models as well as for protection. The authors coming from eight different countries look at the place and role of the former member states of the Warsaw Pact in the new European and international constellation. This concept of CEE includes most pro-western states of the former ‘Eastern block’: the four countries of Central Europe (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) and the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). There were many tumultuous political developments in and around the region within the last decade, and especially during the last five years when the financial crisis started to take its toll. While the Atlantic link of Central and Eastern Europe is still strong, many commentators have pointed out its wearing strategic meaning. The balance between the focus on the USA and the EU has shifted in favour of Europe. However, this shift has rather been an incomplete one due to the region's own political and economic problems. The aim of this special issue is to analyse the new constellation by looking at the CEE countries themselves, at their ability to react and adapt, produce sound political strategies and act on as national actors: through bilateral ties, regional co-operation, NATO and the EU. Also, the main external actors - the USA, Russia and Germany - are looked at as they directly influence the way how the CEE countries shape their policies.     

试论卫生应急“机制”建设中不容忽视的几个问题

卫生应急工作要迈上科学发展轨道,应多关注从"机制"建设上找寻亟待解决的问题。本文拟从突发公共卫生事件特点及应急机制建设重要性入手,探究卫生应急机制建设过程中尚存的"拦路虎",找寻卫生应急机制建设应对之策,即:关口前移,建立应急预案动态更新机制;瞄准实战,建立突发疫情应对处置机制;筑牢"后墙",建立突发事件储备保障机制;紧盯"重心",建立医院危机攻关应急机制。     

暴力犯罪死刑适用的量刑情节研究——基于死刑判例的实证考察

暴力犯罪是严重的犯罪行为,是死刑研究的典型样本。在＂保留死刑,严格控制死刑＂和＂宽严相济＂的刑事政策下,司法实践如何运用量刑情节来限制暴力犯罪死刑适用就成为重要课题。通过对暴力犯罪死刑判例的分析,总结出司法实践常见的几种量刑情节。根据这些量刑情节对暴力犯罪死刑适用的影响程度,将量刑情节分为三个量刑等级的情节,即将量刑情节等级化。根据三个量刑等级的情节,运用不同的处理方式来解决量刑情节竞合与冲突的问题,能够有效的从量刑情节方面来限制暴力犯罪的死刑适用。     

后金融危机时期中国参与国际金融体系改革的目标和路径——以中国参与IMF改革为例

在国际体系处于大发展、大变革、大调整的状态下,一场由华尔街次贷危机引发的全球金融危机加速了国际体系转型的进程。为了应对危机,全球主要经济体首次协商一致,采取共同应对政策。危机过后,如何反思现有的国际货币和金融体系存在的问题?中国的战略目标又是什么?本文主要以国际体系转型为基础,以IMF改革为例来探索中国应采取的路径和策略。     

第三方因素与中美关系的逆社会化——以中国周边安全态势为例

2008年金融危机以来,中美关系下行趋势渐显。对此,国内外学者从体系结构压力、对外战略、国内政治以及意识形态等角度提出了诸多解释。然而,现实中中美关系日趋下行的原因却更为复杂。近年来频频发酵的钓鱼岛危机、南海争端以及朝核危机等第三方因素逐渐凸显,对中美关系的破坏作用不容忽视。为弥补既有解释的不足,作者将尝试从第三方视角构建一个替代性的逆社会化理论框架。这一理论认为,中美关系中的第三方可以通过冲突化、污名化与互信退化三个微观机制诱发中美关系的紧张局势。案例研究表明:日本挑起的钓鱼岛争端不仅诱发了中美关于东海防空识别区的冲突,而且加剧了中美两国在西太平洋地区的军事竞争。菲律宾则借黄岩岛危机,在国际上大肆丑化中国形象,其发起的南海仲裁案使得中美两国相互认知日趋负面。朝鲜近年来频繁进行核试验,更是加剧了中美两国在制裁朝鲜、部署"萨德"系统等问题上的战略互疑。对于第三方的逆社会化效应,中美双方均应高度警惕、精心管控。