第三方因素与中美关系的逆社会化——以中国周边安全态势为例

2008年金融危机以来,中美关系下行趋势渐显。对此,国内外学者从体系结构压力、对外战略、国内政治以及意识形态等角度提出了诸多解释。然而,现实中中美关系日趋下行的原因却更为复杂。近年来频频发酵的钓鱼岛危机、南海争端以及朝核危机等第三方因素逐渐凸显,对中美关系的破坏作用不容忽视。为弥补既有解释的不足,作者将尝试从第三方视角构建一个替代性的逆社会化理论框架。这一理论认为,中美关系中的第三方可以通过冲突化、污名化与互信退化三个微观机制诱发中美关系的紧张局势。案例研究表明:日本挑起的钓鱼岛争端不仅诱发了中美关于东海防空识别区的冲突,而且加剧了中美两国在西太平洋地区的军事竞争。菲律宾则借黄岩岛危机,在国际上大肆丑化中国形象,其发起的南海仲裁案使得中美两国相互认知日趋负面。朝鲜近年来频繁进行核试验,更是加剧了中美两国在制裁朝鲜、部署萨德系统等问题上的战略互疑。对于第三方的逆社会化效应,中美双方均应高度警惕、精心管控。     

试论习近平对“党校姓党”的系统思考

习近平总书记从新时代党的建设总体布局、全面从严治党、坚持马克思主义指导地位、维护党校形象的高度阐述了坚持党校姓党的重大意义。习近平不仅系统回答了坚持党校姓党的意义(为什么),还深刻阐明了党校姓党的姓马姓共的内涵(是什么)、回答了坚持党校姓党的途径、方法(怎样做),以党校姓党的根本原则为基础,构建了具有思想观念、价值标准引领性的党校建设话语体系。     

信息社会警务公关危机及应对策略

信息社会中,公安机关成为媒体关注的焦点,这给警务公安带来了严峻的挑战。面对这种挑战,公安机关出现与媒体关系处理不当,反应迟缓、警察形象受到挑战等被动反应。公安机关应做到,全面认知、客观分析形势;创新设备应对机制;巧妙表达公安工作;高效运作。     

网络舆论危机与“五重效应”化解

政府网络舆论危机既是引发政府公信力危机的＂催化剂＂,又是化解危机的＂灭火器＂。面对网络舆论,政府部门应发挥避雷针效应,做好积极引导;打破屏蔽效应,树立公开透明形象;重视首因效应,做好事件首次应对;克服激将效应,提高新闻发布水平;避免蝴蝶效应,及时迅捷处理问题。     

Rape investigation and prosecution: Stuck in the mud?

Abstract

This paper evaluates the Stern Review of rape in the context of public responses to rape, in England and Wales. The piece is based on an anti-rape feminist approach and so weighs a woman-centred approach to rape responses against the mainstream justice model. Overall, the argument made is that nothing much is really changing in public responses to rape. The work outlines problems with the Stern contention that the conviction rates for rape need to be calculated differently, and takes issue with the claim that the “policies are right”. Stern's call for greater support for women who have been raped is welcomed, but the effectiveness of the review process itself is questioned. These discussions illustrate the process of attrition as it is variously understood by feminists and by Baroness Stern. It is suggested that reviews themselves may be little more than a dampener, brought in when claims for change create a need to be seen to be doing something. A preferred alternative might be some form of ongoing body, reviewing and challenging practice and policy; however, it is recognised that this could be difficult to achieve amid the current spending cuts. The paper then turns to evaluate trends in support for survivors and notes that the more “professional” models of the Sexual Assault Referral Centre and the Independent Sexual Violence Advisers have held sway for some time. However, under the new coalition, government funding is also being directed towards women-only Rape Crisis centres, and this move is warmly welcomed here. The work concludes that much does indeed remain the same, despite positive signs in terms of respect for this survivor-centred model.     

Domestic institutions,liberalization patterns,and uneven crises in Korea and Taiwan

pragmatic and long-term approach to financial market reform, with greater sensitivity to political risks and constraints.     

The UN system's contribution to Asia-Pacific security architecture

Although it has been the major states of China, the former Soviet Union and especially the United States that have made the major contributions to shaping the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, the UN system has played a useful, adjunct role. This is especially the case in the post-Cold War era when its principal bodies, together with its various specialized agencies, have provided vital support in moving warring societies into a period of relative peace and stability. The UN peace-building operations in Cambodia and East Timor were some of the most demanding ever undertaken by this universal institution. But beyond these particular examples, the United Nations has been influential in the region in other, more indirect, ways. It has set standards, its charter has been a powerful source of ideas when it comes to composing parallel documents at the state or regional levels, and it has helped with the negotiation of global arms control treaties, making up to some degree for the absence of such arrangements at the regional level. The UN has also had a legitimating function, providing an arena where Asia-Pacific states can publicize their grievances, and receive approval or reprimand for their behaviour. It has played a valuable role, too, as third-party mediator. However, the UN's political structure constrains the contribution it can make to the security order since it is reliant on major state agreement before it can act. Veto power - not its actual use but simply its anticipated use - gives China, Russia and the United States a controlling function with respect to a potential UN role in the management of conflict. Beijing and Washington would work, and have worked, to exclude the United Nations from major involvement in conflicts in which they have direct security interests: the Taiwan and Korean issues being the two most obvious in this regard. Thus, the United Nations is a useful buttress but not a central pillar of the region's security architecture.     

‘Opening up’ by default: North Korea,the humanitarian community and the crisis

In April 1999, ASEAN formally admitted Cambodia thereby completing its declared goal of grouping together all ten Southeast Asian countries under its umbrella. This was the culminating event in the latest phase of ASEAN's enlargement. This process, however, had been problematic from the start. The entry of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam without any clear criteria for admission has raised questions regarding the preparedness of these countries to participate in ASEAN. More importantly, it led to strains in ASEAN's relations with its dialogue partners over the legitimacy of some of the governments in power in these countries. The was further complicated by the economic upheaval caused by the financial crisis which struck Southeast Asia in 1997. The impact of these events on ASEAN has put into question the association's growing role as a leading player in Asia-Pacific affairs. More importantly, it has raised issues which are central to ASEAN's continued existence.     

Discourse Ethics and the Problem of Nature

Abstract

In what sense could discourse ethics be linked with normative problems raised by the ecological crisis? Even if Apel and Habermas have not really addressed this question extensively, and even if their position in moral philosophy seems to develop and reinforce a neo-Kantian anthropocentric point of view, one can find in their works some evidence for the possibility of connecting a dialogical view with an ecological one. In order to defend the philosophical interest in highlighting this possibility, this essay analyses Habermas' position concerning the moral and ontological status of animality in particular, and attempts to situate this position within the history of Critical Theory.     

网络群体性事件中政府危机管理的哲学思考

网络群体性事件的产生有复杂的经济和政治原因,包括社会经济、政治的不和谐、人民群众认识水平差异、敌对势力的鼓动、政府在应对事件过程中方式方法欠妥等.与传统群体性事件相比,网络群体性事件有规模巨大、破坏力强等显著特征.网络属于新生事物,网络群体性事件也是我国面临的非传统安全之一.能不能做好网络群体性事件的管理,已经成为政府管理能力的试金石.只有不断地加强政府管理的效率,加强网络立法,加强网络监管,区分事件性质,打击网上敌对分子,网络才能成为一片净土,成为广大网民的“美丽世界”.