马歇尔计划的历史真相：一种基于史实的解读

马歇尔计划是战后美国实现全球霸权战略的核心组成部分，其对战后世界和国际格局产生的影响深刻且持续，因此至今仍是学界研究热点。文章基于史实解读，回答了多年来国内外学界围绕马歇尔计划存在的几种争议，诸如马歇尔计划肇始时间界定、名称的由来、美国国务院官员对马歇尔计划的历史贡献以及捷克“二月事件”与马歇尔计划是否存在关联等。文章认为，尽管马歇尔哈佛演讲一直被视为马歇尔计划出台的标志性事件，但从严格意义上讲，在1948年4月之前，美国并没有什么具体的援助欧洲计划；在马歇尔计划形成过程中，美国决策层固然发挥了引领作用，但美国国务院中下层官员也功不可没；捷克“二月事件”是偶发事件，与马歇尔计划的出台没有直接因果关系，但却在客观上为马歇尔计划在美国国会的通过提供了助力。文章是对马歇尔计划整体史研究的必要补充和完善，对深入研究马歇尔计划具有重要的学术价值。     

From Notary to Ruler: The Role of the President of the Republic during the Italian Crisis (2010–14)

During the period of political and economic crisis in Italy, the President of the Republic became the central institutional actor of the Italian parliamentary government. This led to a debate among party politicians and scholars of Italian politics concerning the role of the Head of State in Italian democracy. Focusing on the period from 2010 until the beginning of 2014, the article explains the growing power of the President by examining the conditions that allowed presidential powers to increase. It concludes by discussing the potential effects of the increase in presidential powers on the evolution of Italian parliamentary government.     

俄罗斯萨哈共和国发展国际投资合作问题研究

萨哈共和国幅员辽阔,自然资源丰富,这是其发展国际投资合作的先决条件和重要物质基础.近年来,共和国为了加快地区发展,依托资源优势和各神有利条件,积极开展与包括中国在内的亚太国家的国际投资合作,确定了一系列具有一定可行性的大型投资合作项目.     

法国“共和国调解专员”制度及其借鉴意义评析——以与我国信访制度的比较为视角

法国的“共和国调解专员”制度是监督政府依法行政、预防和解决行政争议，以达到保护公民权利和自由的重要机制。2008年法国宪法修改，改设基本权利保护专员，对原有制度进行改进。法国这一制度与中国的信访制度在功能和方式上既有相似之处，又有其独特优势。其中，机构独立性、职权设置科学性、履职公开性等方面值得我国借鉴，以期完善信访制度。     

民国时期桂林的私立学校及其借鉴作用

民国时期,桂林这片文化乐土的教育事业顺应时代的进步而发展,私立学校乘势而上,呈现出勃勃生机。它对提高青少年的科学文化知识,提高国民素质起到了重要作用,并为现今私立学校办学和管理提供了有益的借鉴。     

关于建国头17年高等教育改革的若干理论分析

我国建国头１７年的高等教育改革可以划分为两个阶段，第一阶段（１９４９－１９５６）以模仿苏联模式进行改革为主要特征，第二阶段（１９５７－１９６５）的主要特征则是偏离苏联模式，以苏联模式为蓝本建立起来的高等教育制度主要包括建立由单科院校与理科综合大学构成且以单科院校为主的大学体制；建立“大学一系”、系内设专业、教学研究组的大学内部组织结构；建立以专业为中心、按照统一的教学计划开展教学活动的教学制度。     

论“政权党”——以当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年政党政治为例

本文详细考察了当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年的政党政治和政治制度,认为二者都是以政权党为显著特征的政党政治,表现出总统重视政党的作用,善于利用政权党来巩固政治地位但又超越政权党,具有不受任何党派约束的巨大权威;政权党虽然能得到总统的支持,但是无法成为执政党,因而表现出既支持政府又批评政府,既与政府合作又与政府斗争的特征。由此得出结论,政权党是一种在政党与政权关系问题上相对于执政党、在野党之外的又一政党类型,有其特定的历史文化基础。     

Thinking citizenship and its constitutive subject: interrogating the 2004 Irish citizenship referendum debate

This article considers a referendum which was held in the Republic of Ireland in 2004 involving a proposal to qualify the existing universal constitutional entitlement to birthright citizenship. Existing analysis of this referendum reflects dominant trends in citizenship scholarship. It does so by framing the issue in terms of two opposing perspectives – one particularistic (exclusive) and one universalistic (inclusive) – and positing the question of the ‘politics’ of citizenship as a trade-off between these diverging models. This article argues, however, that Rob (R.B.J.) Walker's notion of the constituent subject of (sovereign) politics challenges this dualistic framework as the necessary starting point for discussions about citizenship. It does so by problematizing the premise upon which it is based which is the taken-for-granted autonomous existence of persons (individuals) who are understood to be connected to, but ultimately separate from, ‘the state.’ This article concludes with reflections on what an alternative framework for exploring citizenship (based specifically on a historicization of subjectivity in relation to sovereignty) might look like. It suggests that this provides us with a different starting point to the prevalent form of a timeless dialectic of inclusion and exclusion, particularism and universalism, polis and cosmopolis currently determined by the boundaries of the Irish state.     

从“五族共和”学说到民族区域自治制度——纪念中国共产党建党90周年和辛亥革命100周年

以孙中山为代表的辛亥革命先驱倡导的五族共和学说,从狭隘的民族主义发展而来,顺应了历史进步和时代要求,是三民主义的重要理论组成部分;以毛泽东同志为代表的中国共产党人建立的民族区域自治制度,从理论政策到实践措施,对解决中国的民族问题作出了重大贡献。五族共和和民族区域自治,都是中国近代革命发展的必然结果,二者之间有历史的内在联系,共同促进了多民族国家的统一,民族的团结,社会的进步。     

Kinshasa: An urban elite considers city,nation and state

The declining salience of the nation state has led to an interest in whether other socially constructed forms, such as the city, have replaced it as a source of accumulation, belief and identity. This article seeks to explore whether this is true in the case of the capital of one of Africa's least successful states, Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A survey explored the views towards the city of Kinshasa on the past of a variety of middle-class professional people as potential leaders in different occupations resident in different quarters of the city with roots in different parts of the DRC. Despite their somewhat abject material condition and despite extensive contacts internationally, the old dream of the nation state remains relatively strong among them while feelings towards the city largely reflect its situation in that dream rather than any new kind of loyalty. Members this class have extensive national networks of professional contact that help define their identity. New kinds of urban identity with cultural or political meaning beyond this could not be discerned contrary to the perspective held out initially.