Introduction: Social Media,Political Marketing and the 2016 U.S. Election

This essay introduces the contributions of the volume “Social Media, Political Marketing and the 2016 U. S. Election.” Using a variety of methodological approaches, the authors investigate the communication strategies of the Democratic and Republican candidates for president together with the responses of their audience. Collectively, this research offers insights into how new communication technologies are changing both political marketing and the ways candidates and voters interact.     

Showdown at Nissan: the 1989 campaign to organize Nissan in Smyrna,Tennessee, and the rise of the transplant sector

In July 1989, workers at Nissan’s plant in Smyrna, Tennessee, voted 1622 to 711 against being represented by the United Automobile Workers of America (UAW). At the time, many reporters saw the well-publicized Nissan vote – dubbed a ‘showdown’ by the New York Times – as a defining moment in modern labor history. The election deserves further exploration, especially as it played a key role in establishing the non-union ‘transplant’ sector. UAW leaders blamed the Smyrna loss on Nissan’s anti-union tactics, while the company claimed that workers did not need a union because they were already well paid (although this was largely due to the UAW’s presence). This article is the first to provide a detailed analysis that draws on the union’s records of the campaign, as well as many other sources. While the factors cited publicly were important, the article demonstrates that there were additional reasons for the union’s defeat, including internal divisions, unanticipated staffing problems, and the logistical challenge of organizing such a big – and new – facility. Although Nissan workers had many grievances, the company also fostered loyalty by not laying off workers, and by expanding the plant. Finally, it secured a high level of community support, and drew off the conservative political climate of the era.     

‘Throbb[ing] with a consciousness of a knowledge that appalled her’: Embodiment and Female Subjectivity in the Desert Romance

This article examines the relationship between the desert and embodiment in E. M. Hull’s international best-seller The Sheik (1919). This novel, a desert romance, has been the focus of feminist scholarship for decades because of its controversial rape narrative. Drawing on theories of embodiment, in particular the work of Elizabeth Grosz, the author interrogates how the desert is paradoxically presented as a space of liberation and oppression within which female sexuality could be explored despite the gendered violence of pre-existing patriarchal frameworks. Ultimately, the author provides a reading of Diana in terms of her transition from an androgynous ‘girl’ to a sexually desiring, seemingly feminized ‘woman’, and examines the connotations associated with this. The author establishes a connection between the transient nature of the desert and the liberation offered to women within this liminal space. Through an in-depth examination of the protagonist Diana’s corporeal subjectivity over the course of the novel, the author positions The Sheik as offering a voice to female sexuality and erotic fantasy, demonstrating Hull’s depiction of the desert as an appropriation of that space through which to explore female desires. This opens up new understandings of what constituted innovative literature in interwar Britain and marks Hull’s book, with its overtly erotic content and specific focus on female desire, as a political and social departure.     

Fashioning Readers: The avant garde and British Vogue , 1920-9

Mahood explores both the work of modern writers and work about modern writers as published in British Vogue during the 1920s. She demonstrates how a familiarity with trends in modern literature was presented as but one of the de rigeueur activities of the modern woman au fait with contemporary tastes. In doing so, the role of non-literary, or non-specialist, magazines in contributing to the rise of a common reader familiar with the practitioners and practices of modernist art is examined. Furthermore, she shows how the perceived 'restricted' value (or appeal) of modernism, in addition to the movement's palpable concern with modernity, became the very means by which modernism entered into the literary and cultural mainstream during the 1920s.     

Shirley Chisholm： Unbought and unbossed An African American woman in U.S. politics

The article explores how an African American woman, Shirley Chisholm, was involved in American politics in the 20th century. Chisholm＇s political career took off in 1964, when she won the campaign for the New York State General Assembly. In 1968, after finishing her term in the legislature, Ms. Chisholm campaigned to represent New York＇s twelfth congressional district. She won the election and became the first colored woman elected to congress. During her first term in congress, Chisholm hired an all-female staff and spoke out for civil rights, women＇s rights, the poor and against the Vietnam War. In 1970, she was elected to continue a second term. She remarked that women in the United States must become revolutionaries and they must refuse to accept the old, the traditional roles and stereotypes. On January 25, 1972, Shirley Chisholm announced her candidacy for president. Ms. Chisholm became the first African American woman to campaign for the presidency. Not surprisingly, she met a lot of resistance, even from the congressional black caucus and women＇s right groups. The Democratic National Convention in 1972 in Miami was the first major convention in which a woman was considered for the presidential nomination. Although she did not win the nomination, she received 151 of the delegates＇ votes. The whole aim of her campaign was not to win but enter the struggle and pave the way for the future. Ms. Chisholm believed her black colleagues in congress failed to rally around her because she was a woman. Shirley is one of the many African American women who have been denied their rightful place in American history, She fought for change and the article tries to remember the role she played in the United States politics in the 20th century.     

美国思想库对美韩同盟的研究——以CSIS、CNAS、CATO为中心

美国思想库普遍认为,在美国实力下降的大趋势下,获得韩国的支持是维系美国霸权的必然之举。韩美同盟有助于遏制朝鲜,更有利于围堵中国,也有益于解决非传统安全问题。总之,美国必须因应国际形势的变化来改造韩美同盟,劝服韩国为己所用。当然,也有个别思想库学者认为韩美同盟是个两败俱伤的同盟,理应放弃。     

奥巴马政府"巧实力"外交政策评析

奥巴马政府就职后逐步实施了巧实力外交政策。巧实力外交政策既是出于对布什政府饱受争议的外交政策的反思,也是基于美国国内状况和国际局势的综合考量。从目前情况看,修补布什政府时期的外交创伤、提升美国软实力、倚重多边主义,在自身实力相对下降的背景下维持美国霸权地位成为奥巴马政府巧实力外交政策的主要内容。巧实力外交政策对中美关系也产生了重要影响。     

美国与老挝1958年的补充选举

1954年日内瓦会议结束以后,美国开始关注老挝国内局势的发展,将老挝看作其在东南亚防御共产主义影响的重要缓冲地带,积极扶植符合其利益要求的代理人上台。美国为确保老挝保守势力取得1958年补充选举的胜利投入了大量的援助。尽管如此,选举结果却违背了美国的初衷,暴露了美国对老挝政策的先天不足。     

鸭疫里默氏杆菌16 S rRNA PCR快速检测方法的建立

根据GenBank中的鸭疫里默氏杆菌(RA)1～19型16 S rRNA基因序列,分别与大肠杆菌、沙门氏菌、葡萄球菌、巴氏杆菌的16 S rRNA基因序列对比,设计特异性引物,建立了基于鸭疫里默氏杆菌16 SrRNA的PCR检测方法.结果表明,用该方法对鸭疫里默氏杆菌、大肠杆菌、沙门氏菌、葡萄球菌、巴氏杆菌进行检测,只有鸭疫里默氏杆菌的DNA能扩增出680 bp的特异条带,其他细菌的DNA不能扩增出任何条带;测序结果与GenBank中鸭疫里默氏杆菌相应序列完全一致;同时分别将鸭疫里默氏杆菌基因组DNA和菌液10倍稀释进行PCR扩增,对鸭疫里默氏杆菌DNA的最小检出量为1.907×10~(-5)g/L,对鸭疫里默氏杆菌菌液的最小检出量为1.5×10~4CFU/mL.证实,建立的基于鸭疫里默氏杆菌16 S rRNA的PCR检测方法具有快速、灵敏、特异的优点,可用于鸭疫里默氏杆菌感染的检测、分子流行病学调查和分离菌株的快速鉴定.     

司盟理论视角下的菲美同盟构建

美国和菲律宾是传统的盟国,早在1951年两国就缔结了共同防御条约,关菲同盟成为冷战链条上的重要一环。冷战结束后,双方的同盟关系逐渐弱化。21世纪初的几年间,为了应对全球的恐怖主义的威胁,双方的同盟关系逐渐走上了快速发展的轨道。