Unrecognized states as a means of coercive diplomacy? Assessing the role of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus

The scholarship on unrecognized or de facto states has been booming in the recent decades exploring this phenomenon from a variety of perspectives. Yet, as this article illustrates, a crucial accent on the instrumentalization of unrecognized states by regional actors – or, to put it differently, on unrecognized states as a source of coercive diplomacy – has been neglected. This article seeks to fill that gap by offering an empirical analysis of Russia’s instrumentalization of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as unrecognized states as a means of putting effective pressure on the Government in Tbilisi – usually with respect to issues unrelated to the unrecognized states themselves. More specifically, this article shows that Moscow has used three instruments (military deployment, passportization of residents of the unrecognized states and responsibility to protect).     

未成年人犯罪领域的非犯罪化研究

在非犯罪化思潮影响之下，未成年人犯罪领域的非犯罪化趋势在我国已经有所体现，这是对未成年犯罪人司法保护的新突破。实现未成年人犯罪领域的非犯罪化具有重要的价值意义。在具体制度建构上，可以在实体法上减少未成年人罪名规定或规定未成年人特殊情形；在司法程序上，则应建立未成年人刑事和解和不起诉制度。     

Biting the hand that feeds them? Abkhazia–Russia client–patron relations

ABSTRACT

The article discusses the post-Soviet de facto state of Abkhazia, and its relationship to its main patron, Russia. All patron–client nexuses are marked by a high degree of asymmetrical power – especially with de facto states, which depend upon the patron for their very survival. Thus, it is surprising to see how de facto client states repeatedly show that they are both willing and able to defy the wishes of their patrons and pursue their own agendas instead. Moreover, the patron may be willing to tolerate such rebelliousness. What can explain such “disobedient” behavior? I examine three contentious aspects of Russian–Abkhazian relations: the process leading up to the signing of an extended bilateral agreement in 2014; the tussles over how to fight crime in Abkhazia; and acrimony over Abkhazia’s reluctance to allow Russians to buy property in their country, despite massive pressure from Russian authorities.     

“卡迪”模式与刑事公正司法的实现

从“有法必依”到“公正司法”喻示着一种刑事司法观的应然转变:放松了司法者对法律文本本身严格服从的要求,更加强调文本之外的个案公正、合情理等实质合理性依据。这对破解当下具有普遍性的法条主义裁判思维,无疑是一种很好的政策支持和启发。按照罪刑法定原则本意进行合乎逻辑的推演,绝不能推导出“法有明文规定即可定罪处罚”的结论。韦伯关于中国古代司法系“卡迪”模式(即“非理性”)的论断具有一定的事实依据及合理性,这种卡迪模式对实质公正的追求具有目的正当性,不宜将此简单视为“恣意司法”的代名词,其中体现的能动性判断具有司法出罪维度的意义。在目前刑法体系下,法的公正价值与法的安定性并不存在冲突,出罪的理论依据与规范依据完全可以得到恰当融合,但在法适用中需要缓和法的命令性要求。恰当的说理论证是嫁接法的安定性与个案公正的纽带,该过程实际上是将合情理、合目的等价值考量揉入刑法文本的理解、适用及说理论证过程当中。     

朱德对山西抗日民族统一战线的历史贡献

抗日战争爆发后，朱德作为八路军总指挥，为山西抗日民族统一战线的巩固和发展作出了卓越贡献。主要体现为：积极配合友军作战。真诚团结和帮助友军将士以迭共同抗日之目的；武装动员民众，为统一战线的巩固和发展奠定坚实的群众基础；指导和帮助新军建设，使其逐步成长为山西民众抗日的中坚力量；在反顽斗争中坚持以斗争求团结。保住统一战线不破裂的底线。     

朱毛红军士兵委员会制度的建立与取消

士兵委员会制度的建立,是毛泽东在三湾改编期间采取的重要变革措施。这一制度砸碎了旧式军队和以农民武装为主的军队管理基础,为加强朱毛红军的民主建设起到重要作用。后来,毛泽东等人又针对士兵会制度在红四军二十九团曾经引起的某些弊端,采取了防止极端民主化等一系列措施。此后,以李立三为代表的党中央按照＂国家＂正规军的要求,颁布了《中国工农红军编制草案》等三大基本条例,里面没有建立士兵会这一项,这些条例的颁布使得士兵委员会制度无形中被取消。     

朱德对毛泽东党建思想的丰富和发展

在长期的革命和建设实践中,朱德提出了一系列关于加强党的建设的科学论述。他坚持并大力倡导学习,丰富了党的思想建设内涵;他坚持党的领导,努力维护党的团结,严格执行党的纪律,坚持高标准严要求选拔和使用干部,为加强党的组织建设和作风建设作出了独特贡献;他言行一致,在提出加强党的建设的若干重要思想的同时,自己总是率先垂范,以身作则。朱德的党建思想和模范行动都是我们不断加强党的建设的宝贵财富。     

Laughing Medusa: Feminist Intellectuals at the Millennium

The role of the intellectual is traditionally gendered masculine, and women are excluded from consideration. Contemporary discussions of the 'death of the intellectual' noticeably make no reference to feminist intellectuals. On the other hand, women in academia have been reluctant to adopt the role of public intellectual as conventionally defined. There is an anxiety about the contemporary place of the intellectual, and about the necessity for the distinction made by some feminists between theory and practice, the intellectual and the activist, and where this might lead. In exploring the role of feminist intellectuals over the last two centuries, three paradigms of the feminist intellectual are proposed for consideration: Cassandra (the prophetess cursed with disbelief), for example Florence Nightingale; the feminist Messiah (the exceptional female saviour who would sacrifice herself to change women's lives), for whom the exemplar is Margaret Fuller; and the Dark Lady (the token woman in a community of men), such as de Beauvoir, Mary McCarthy and Susan Sontag. Indeed, Camille Paglia's rivalry with Sontag lends itself to being interpreted as evidence of her current desire to occupy this 'dark lady' role. In conclusion, after discussing contemporary, late twentieth-century feminism (Natasha Walter, Elizabeth Wurtzel, gurrl power, 'women behaving badly'), the role of Margaret Thatcher in changing perceptions of women's capacity for political power is proposed for celebration. Finally, there is Cixous's image of the feminist intellectual as the laughing Medusa, who turns men to stone, but turns laughter on herself.     

论朱德建设现代化革命军队的思想

新中国建立之初,依据形势和任务的变化,朱德适时地提出了建设现代化革命军队的任务,主张革新编制体制,建立新式军兵种,并通过制度建设促进军队现代化;强调在现代化建设中,技术具有决定性作用,必须精心学习、掌握现代科学技术;同时,要加强政治工作,保证军队现代化建设的正确方向。朱德建设现代化革命军队的思想,对人民解放军现代化建设产生了深远影响,对今天我军现代化建设仍具有重要指导意义。