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61.
唐文标早年颇具现代色彩的新诗创作中,就已潜藏着对现代主义抽象的超越、救赎精神的疑虑反思,并隐约可见现实关切、社会实践等思想特质,这为其后来参与“保钓”等左翼实践并最终与现代诗彻底决裂,埋下了思想的种子。在经受20世纪60年代后期欧美社会运动和“保钓”运动洗礼后,他将左翼的精神和理想带至台湾,其对现代诗的发难重新激起台湾思想文化上的左翼现实批判精神。因此,联系唐文标早期的现代诗创作活动,全面考察其左翼文学思想的发展历程,才能更深入把握左翼革命理想中激荡的种种对现实、历史、民族的深切寄托。  相似文献   
62.
Abstract

Recent years have seen a deterioration in political relations between China and Japan, in particular over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and history-related problems. Commentators have noted an attendant decline in trust between the two sides and have stressed the need for confidence-building measures in order to address the trust deficit. This article explores the origins of declining trust between the Chinese and Japanese leaderships. It argues that attempts to build a friendly and trusting relationship in the early post-war and post-normalisation periods began to fail in the 1980s, and have been in a gradual state of decline ever since. Using the concepts of trust and friendship, the article suggests that the lack of trust properties such as empathy, bonding, reliability and predictability have contributed to the deterioration of trust at both elite and popular levels.  相似文献   
63.
Abstract

Can economic interdependence reduce conflicts among states in East Asia? The so-called ‘cold politics and hot economics’ has become a defining feature of Sino-Japanese political-economic relations. This puzzling pattern of interaction is clearly illustrated in the sovereignty dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. The island dispute has unfolded in five rounds of distinct clashes thus far. From one perspective, the competitive elements in the island dispute make it difficult for both Japan and China to give way to the other side on the territorial and maritime issues. At the same time, the two countries have successfully managed to contain their respective territorial and maritime claims thus far. Drawing on the liberal peace theory, this article systematically demonstrates that economic interdependence has repeatedly fostered the de-escalation of Sino-Japanese conflict over territorial and maritime rights.  相似文献   
64.
Abstract

This paper explores how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has tackled the threat of terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali bombings. It claims that ASEAN has applied its traditional approach to security, based on comprehensive security and the principle of resilience, when addressing this challenge. The resilience concept underpins the nexus between national and regional security and emphasizes domestic regime consolidation re-enforced by regional consultations. In their pursuit of resilience, member states have sought in various degrees to address terrorism domestically through a mixture of security, law enforcement, socio-economic, ideological, and educational policies. It is noted that Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore have tackled terrorism more comprehensively than Thailand and Malaysia. Reflecting the synergy between national and regional resilience, ASEAN has operated as an umbrella organization meant to complement domestic and sub-regional efforts. It has been committed rhetorically, has produced frameworks of action, as well as reached agreements with the great powers. The paper is not overly optimistic, however, about ASEAN's role in promoting regional resilience against the threat of terrorism in Southeast Asia.  相似文献   
65.
Abstract

The involvement of small island states (SISs) in a growing number of international organisations (IOs) has placed increased pressure on domestic bureaucracies and political systems. Rapid turnover among SIS leaders, combined with generational change and decreased local support, has amplified disadvantages. Growing complexity has therefore further exposed the long-standing vulnerabilities of SISs. They can play a creative role at the margins, and on certain issues in certain IOs, but in general asymmetries prevail. The lesson is that national sovereignty does not always equal control, and what might superficially appear to be equal access is constrained by the availability of technical expertise to the detriment of SISs.  相似文献   
66.
Steven Ratuva 《圆桌》2017,106(2):165-173
Abstract

The election of Donald Trump as the next president of the US has caused much international consternation and anxiety. Reactions have been based on distrust and rejection of Trump’s political ideology, behavioural disposition and unpredictable policy positions. His campaign speeches were filled with provocative utterances which were racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-environment and self-centred. This article examines some possible impacts of Trump’s presidency on the Pacific island countries (PICs). The first issue refers to how Trump’s proposed isolationist and militarisation policies may affect regional geopolitics. The two policies tend to contradict each other because while isolationism means pulling back on US economic and strategic presence in the Pacific, a reversal of the pivot to Asia-Pacific policy, militarisation implies greater strategic reach, regionally and globally. What does this seemingly contradictory approach mean for the PICs? Second, the article looks at the impact of Trump’s climate change denial stance and the responses by PICs, given the fact that climate change is the single most significant foreign policy and development initiative of the PICs since their independence. The third issue deals with the potential impact of Trump’s restrictive migration policies on remittance flow to the PICs and how these affect the small island economies and well-being.  相似文献   
67.
本文拟对中琉关系中若干有关钓鱼岛的问题作进一步讨论,认为《顺风相送》的成书年代并非是1403年,而是在1571年之后,最早记载钓鱼岛的文献应是编纂于1392年至1485年之间的《闽人三十六姓针本》。史籍记载表明,福建人自明清以来就在钓鱼岛从事渔业生产等活动,是中国对这些岛屿在发现以后实际占有的表现。  相似文献   
68.
近年来,国内外学者有关南海断续线法律地位的研究,大抵集中在“历史性水域”、“历史性权利”、“海上疆域线”和“岛屿归属线”4个方面。本文通过对这4个方面的研究进行评述,认为无论从断续线产生时的历史背景,或者从目前中国政府发布的有关声明来看,把断续线的法律地位定为“岛屿归属线”还是比较符合实际,可以认可的。  相似文献   
69.
2010年的中日撞船事件引发了人们对钓鱼岛海洋权益的思考,为更好地维护我国钓鱼岛的海洋权益,我国政府要加快制定一系列相关的配套法律法规,建立强大的现代化海上力量,从整体上维护我国海洋的权益。  相似文献   
70.
我国启动的低空空域管理制度改革给海南发展通用航空产业提供了良好机遇。建设海南国际旅游岛,可以充分利用经济特区立法权,认真规划海南通用航空产业的发展,制定海南发展通用航空产业的政策和地方法规,鼓励海南通用航空及其产业链发展,推出海南高端的空中旅游项目,使海南成为国家低空空域管理改革的先行试验区。  相似文献   
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