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801.
Du B  Jiang JP  Du H  Zhang L 《法医学杂志》2010,26(4):282-284
目的建立扩增片段小于115 bp,包括D1S1676、D6S1274和D17S1299 3个非CODIS系统的miniSTR基因座复合扩增系统,用于高度降解DNA样本的基因分型。方法采用不同荧光染料标记引物,通过PCR扩增,利用310遗传分析仪对100份成都汉族健康无关个体血样以及2份高度降解检材进行检测。结果荧光标记复合扩增D1S1676、D6S1274和D17S1299 3个miniSTR基因座,每个基因座均获得了清晰的基因型分型结果。100份样本,3个miniSTR基因座分别检出个9、9、7个等位基因和27、23、18种基因型,基因型分布均符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡。3个基因座在成都汉族人群的累积非父排除率、累积个体识别能力分别为0.9991和0.9160。结论本系统可以应用于个体识别和亲权鉴定,为DNA高度降解样本分型提供了新的方法。  相似文献   
802.
目的对ADH2、ADH3、ALDH2和CYP2E1基因的40个SNP位点进行群体遗传学分析,得到多态性信息。方法利用PCR和质谱技术平台对SNP位点进行分型检测,通过对中国华东地区汉族人群199个无关个体的调查,统计分析40个SNP位点的等位基因分布频率。结果 40个SNP位点中,rs698、rs2241894(ADH3基因座),rs13306164、rs671(ALDH2基因座)和rs28371746、rs2515641(CYP2E1基因座)的小等位基因分布频率(MAF)均大于1%,其它SNP位点的MAF均小于1%。结论 ADH2、ADH3、ALDH2和CYP2E1基因的40个SNP位点中,6个位点(rs698、rs2241894、rs13306164、rs671、rs28371746和rs2515641)在华东汉族人群中具有多态性。  相似文献   
803.
In this study two types of synthetic swabs and one commercially available minitape were tested and compared with the currently used cotton swab. The results indicate that there is no major difference in performance between the swabs for recovery of trace samples, and that the minitape is better suitable for recovering from absorbent materials than swabs are. However, no statistical calculations were carried out due to the low number of samples in each category.  相似文献   
804.
This paper focuses on the effects of political ideology and party affiliation on support for more government spending on environmental protection. Pooled‐sample results show that Liberals (Democrats) are more likely to support higher government spending on environmental protection than Moderates (Independents), who, in turn, are more likely to support higher spending levels than Conservatives (Republicans). The results persist even when we control for respondents' opinions concerning whether the federal government, in general, does too little or too much. When stratifying by party, ideological divisions generally narrow, while stratifying by ideology leads to slightly wider divisions between Democrats and Republicans. Together, these results suggest that when Liberals and Conservatives form opinions about government spending on the environment, party affiliation, to some degree, dampens the effects of ideology. Between 2014 and 2018 the probability of supporting more environmental spending increased, albeit slightly, for all ideologies and parties, but more so for Liberals and Democrats.  相似文献   
805.
抗日战争时期共产党员的先进性主要表现在:团结抗战,英勇善战,积极生产。这种先进性的培育途径包括:克服关门主义倾向,积极慎重地做好党员发展工作,特别是发展经过锻炼和考验的知识分子入党,为党员队伍保持先进性输入了新鲜健康的血液;适应形势任务,做好党员的思想教育工作,为保持共产党员先进性奠定了牢固的思想基础;针对党员队伍中的不良现象,进行作风整顿,为保持共产党员先进性注入了不竭动力。  相似文献   
806.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(5):691-716
This paper investigates the landscape of state‐level adaptation planning in the United States. We answer three primary research questions: First, how are states planning for climate change? Second, who are states targeting for climate adaptation? Third, what tools are states using to motivate climate adaptation efforts? We develop and implement a coding scheme using Schneider and Ingram’s Social Construction Framework (SCF) to characterize variation in 2033 individual adaptation goals mentioned in all 14 American states with explicit adaptation plans. We use these data to understand the types of tools used to motivate different actors (governmental, private, nonprofit) to adapt to climate change. We find that the most frequent target of state adaptation planning is the state itself, which provides an opportunity to extend the SCF to a target group often not mentioned in public policy. Specifically, we find that states target themselves with mandates or tools designed to acquire information. Other stakeholders in adaptation are more likely to be the targets of capacity building tools. Private actors are the only population more likely to be targeted by incentives. The project expands the Social Construction Framework to include targets and tools of planning efforts. Practically, our article offers a methodology by which to compare the vastly heterogeneous efforts to adapt to climate change at the subnational level.  相似文献   
807.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(4):502-534
On‐bill financing (OBF) schemes have been welcomed as innovative mechanisms for encouraging the adoption of low‐carbon energy technologies. Yet while the potential effects of these schemes have received growing attention, less is known about their actual performance. Departing from New Institutional Economics and insights from Behavioral Economics, this theory‐driven assessment examines the How$mart® program in Kansas (United States) and the Green Deal in the United Kingdom. The study identifies the mechanisms designed to trigger behavioral change and technology adoption. We focus on market agents, and related market failures and behavioral anomalies that often prevent energy efficiency improvements. The paper adds to our theoretical and empirical understanding of public and utility‐driven OBF programs applied to the residential sector. Our findings suggest that simple, carefully designed on‐bill programs, where the financing of efficient technologies takes the form of a service rather than a loan, are more effective for the diffusion of low‐carbon energy technology and the reduction of transaction costs. At the same time, on bill‐financing schemes challenge the core business of utilities, and given the complexities and dynamics of energy efficiency markets and energy use, other policy interventions are needed.  相似文献   
808.
809.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(3):439-465
Despite calls to increase federal oversight of hydraulic fracturing (HF), the U.S. Congress has maintained a regulatory system in which environmental regulatory authority is devolved to the states. We argue that this system is characterized by a long‐standing “policy monopoly”: a form of stability in policy agenda‐setting in which a specific manner of framing and regulating a policy issue becomes hegemonic. Integrating theories on agenda‐setting and environmental discourse analysis, we develop a nuanced conceptualization of policy monopoly that emphasizes the significance of regulatory history, public perceptions, industry–government relations, and environmental “storylines.” We evaluate how a policy monopoly in U.S. HF regulation has been constructed and maintained through a historical analysis of oil and gas regulation and a discourse analysis of eleven select congressional energy committee hearings. This research extends scholarship on agenda‐setting by better illuminating the importance of political economic and geographic factors shaping regulatory agendas and outcomes.  相似文献   
810.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(2):302-325
The international community has advocated the adoption of climate‐smart agriculture (CSA) as lower‐income countries deal with the negative consequences of climate change. Scaling up such policies, practices, and programs successfully will require support from a variety of local stakeholders. Such support requires alignment between CSA solutions and the problem understandings of stakeholders. However, problem understandings can differ across individuals, stakeholder groups, and geographic areas. Consequently, we examine understandings of climate problems and socioeconomic and infrastructure problems related to agriculture among different stakeholder groups in Uganda and Senegal. We operationalized and measured these problem understandings following the detailed guidance of the political will and public will approach for analyzing social change. Semistructured interviews elicited stakeholder‐generated lists of problems for each group. Limited quantification of problem understandings and their relative importance or “ripeness” demonstrates how contexts might shape opportunities for CSA.  相似文献   
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