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11.
论市场规则建设中政府的作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
市场规则是一个由众多内容构成的整体,能否将市场规则建立起来,直接关系到经济发展的速缓成败。发展中国家要摆脱贫穷落后的面貌,推动经济迅速发展,必须从自身实际出发,采取有意识地建立市场规则的措施,在这一过程中,政府必须发挥重大的关键性的作用。政府可通过立法手段、行政手段和司法手段来推动市场规则建设,促进经济发展。 相似文献
12.
扩大民间投资:促进中国经济增长的长期动力 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
民间投资对需求的扩大和经济的长期增长具有拉动作用,但由于融资制约、产业准入制约和环境制约,使民间投资的后续跟进不足,制约了需求的进一步扩大。因此,我们应加大对非国有经济的融资支持,拓展民间投资的发展空间,加快存量资产的流动,建立民间投资的社会化服务体系。 相似文献
13.
文章通过经济法与人权可持续发展、知识经济和WTO规则的关系的分析 ,论证了经济法可持续发展原则的正当性 ;通过经济法基本原则与民法基本原则、行政法基本原则的比较分析 ,阐述了经济法可持续发展原则的特有性。同时 ,文章还对可持续发展原则在我国经济法中的应用进行了研究。 相似文献
14.
厦泉漳城市联盟发展的意义及取向探析 总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11
深化闽台经济合作、充分发挥对台优势是海峡西岸经济区建设的重要依托,其关键是实施城市联盟发展战略,打造海峡西岸“区域经济集群”发展优势。厦泉漳城市联盟有利于提升海峡西岸经济区的综合竞争力,从而增强海峡西岸经济区承接海峡东岸经济辐射、“承‘珠’接‘长’、连接中部”、对抗区域经济边缘化的能力,因而,应大力加以推动。本文仅就厦泉漳城市联盟对于海峡西岸经济区建设的意义和发展取向加以探讨。 相似文献
15.
Do individuals believe that an election victory by their favored candidate will improve their personal economic well-being? Previous work has either adopted an approach that is not well suited to determining this relationship, or ignored this question to focus on perceptions of macroeconomic conditions. In this paper we adopt a new approach that allows us to determine the relationship individuals perceive between elections and personal economic welfare, examining the relationship between vote choice, the election outcome, and post-election expectations for personal economic well-being. We find that economic individualism plays an important role in shaping the relationship individuals perceive between election outcomes and their personal economic well-being. Individuals who reject economic individualism do perceive a relationship, with those viewing an election outcome as favorable more optimistic in their expectations for personal economic well-being than those who view the election outcome as unfavorable. Conversely, election outcomes do not influence the expectations of economic individualists. 相似文献
16.
在当今的国际关系格局中,俄罗斯与欧盟的关系占据着重要的地位,其中双方的经济关系由于发展迅速更是备受世人关注。俄罗斯独立以来,特别是进入21世纪以后,出于各自的需要,俄欧双方积极展开了在贸易、投资和能源等经济领域的全面合作,并取得了相当大的成效。短期内,俄欧经济关系仍将维持以能源合作为主,其他合作为辅的基本格局,长期来看,俄欧经济关系能否取得突破主要还是取决于俄罗斯能否逐步完善市场经济体制的改革,改变畸形的经济结构并尽快恢复和扩大加工工业产品的出口。 相似文献
17.
刑事纠纷中的双方和国家都可以被视为经济人,根据经济学的成本收益理论,对于重视获得补偿的被害人和有支付能力的加害人,从和解中获得的利益要大于从正规诉讼程序中获得的利益。从立法、司法和刑事法目的实现的角度,国家扩大刑事和解范围,对其进行法律规制也是实现收益最大化的明智的选择。 相似文献
18.
Important research programs within New Institutional Economics advance culturalist arguments to explain failures of economic
development. Focusing on the work of Douglass C. North and Avner Greif, this article argues that such arguments rely on an
essentialist conception of culture that is both historically inaccurate and analytically misleading. Greif’s work in particular
rests on a selective use of empirical data that ultimately distorts the deductive models that are at the core of his work.
As a result, both scholars use culture to account for outcomes that are more adequately explained as the product of social
conflict and political struggles—struggles in which culture plays a far more contingent and destabilizing role than the one
they attribute to it. What is needed, I argue, is to link arguments about the persistence of inefficient institutions with
a sociologically informed conception of culture as an ensemble of resources that enhance rather than constrain the scope of individual agency. To come to terms with the effects of culture on institutional formation
and change it is necessary to replace the essentialism articulated by North and Greif with a strategic-instrumentalist view
in which culture is compatible with a wide spectrum of economic behaviors, individual actions, and thus institutional trajectories.
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
Steven HeydemannEmail: |
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
19.
Dawn Richards Elliott Ransford W. Palmer 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(2):181-205
We explore the impact of social institutions on economic performance in Jamaica through a reinterpretation of the plantation
economic model. In its original form, the plantation model fails to develop a causal link between the plantation legacy and
persistent underdevelopment. Despite its marginalization, the model remains useful for discussions on growth and development.
Consequently, we offer a reappraisal using the causal insights from Kenneth Sokoloff and Stanley Engerman. We use two examples
to demonstrate how inequality encourages the formation of institutions that are inconsistent with growth, and an empirical
analysis to confirm the hypothesized relationship between inequality, institutions, and economic development. Since inequality
is expected to influence growth indirectly, we use a structural specification, which follows William Easterly’s recent test
of Sokoloff and Engerman’s argument. Our reliance on a time-series specification is unique. We demonstrate that the expectation
that, on average, inequality and growth is negatively related and that institutions may compromise growth are accurate for
Jamaica, the most cited Caribbean nation in the current discourse. Our results carry several policy implications, including
support for the recent calls in Jamaica for political restructuring. However, both the paucity of similar studies and the
importance of the implications for sustainable growth and development demand further analyses.
Dawn Richards Elliott is a Jamaican economist and associate professor of economics at Texas Christian University. Her research and teaching interests address Caribbean development issues from a political economy perspective. Ransford W. Palmer professor of economics at Howard University, has written several books and journal articles on Caribbean economic and migration issues. He is a former chairman of the Howard University Department of Economics and former president of the Caribbean Studies Association. 相似文献
Ransford W. PalmerEmail: |
Dawn Richards Elliott is a Jamaican economist and associate professor of economics at Texas Christian University. Her research and teaching interests address Caribbean development issues from a political economy perspective. Ransford W. Palmer professor of economics at Howard University, has written several books and journal articles on Caribbean economic and migration issues. He is a former chairman of the Howard University Department of Economics and former president of the Caribbean Studies Association. 相似文献
20.
为什么在湄公河流域已经存在数十个国际合作机制的情况下,还要建立澜湄合作(LMC)这一新型次区域合作机制?既有研究大多强调湄公河流域大国国际制度主导权竞争的宏观背景因素,而较少关注澜湄合作机制的新制度特征及其形成原因,即澜湄新型次区域合作机制究竟"新在何处"。与大湄公河次区域经济合作机制(GMS)等既有国际机制相比,澜湄合作机制具有两大新的制度特征:一是议题范围更加广泛,除了传统的区域经济合作议题外,还增加了区域安全合作以及水资源合作等新议题;二是集中程度更高,与之前合作机制主要由"职能部门引领"以及"借用"亚洲开发银行作为国际秘书处的做法不同,澜湄合作机制采取了"领导人引领、各部门参与"的机制运行模式,并逐步建立独立的国际秘书处。通过运用国际制度理性设计的理论模型,本文考察了在湄公河流域国际合作中上游国家与下游国家之间所面临的日益严峻的分配问题和执行问题,并以此解释了澜湄合作新制度特征的形成原因。 相似文献