Commercial Diplomacy and Statecraft in the Context of Economic Reform: The Indian Experience

It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India.     

中国经济转型与民族地区经济发展

转型经济学不只是指出转型的方向,更要分析转型的成本,寻求最低成本最小摩擦的转型,即在发展、和谐、合作中实现转型.中国正处于一个从计划经济到市场经济、初级市场经济到现代市场经济的转型关键期;目前改革领域正深入到政治、文化、教育等领域;改革的阻力进一步增强.中国少数民族地区经济发展及经济转型有其特殊性和复杂性.应该加强对宗教信仰的管理和引导,大力选拔和培养民族干部,大力发展非国有经济.     

Cut Loose in the Caribbean: Neoliberalism and the Demise of the Commonwealth Sugar Trade

This article focuses on the way the Anglophone Caribbean succumbed to the overhaul of the European Union sugar trade and how these countries have attempted to restructure their economies in its wake. We show how the protagonists of reform gave a sense of inevitability to the demise of the Commonwealth trade system and conveyed (unrealistic) strategies for how this should be managed for the benefit of the Caribbean. In this way we detail the hegemony of neoliberalism in contemporary trade politics and the need for alternative strategies for rural development in the Caribbean region.     

亚太经济一体化背景下跨境破产的区域合作

《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》的签署进一步推动亚太地区投资与贸易的自由化,跨境破产案件将逐渐增多,鉴于各国跨境破产国内立法发展不平衡的状况,形成区域合作多边机制是破解难题的有效路径。亚太自贸区跨境破产区域合作注重与国际规则对接的同时,应兼顾成员国法律传统与司法制度的特点,在区域内构建以承认与协助主要破产程序为中心的司法协助制度,厘清与界定外国破产程序和破产判决概念,明确主要破产程序的效力与管辖权确定标准,统一承认与协助外国破产程序的审查规则与程序规则,保证区域内跨境破产司法协助的确定性与可预见性。认同平行破产程序在现阶段解决跨境破产争议的合理性,在区域内推进形成主从程序协调机制。建立法院间交流与合作机制,促进跨境破产案件在区域内的高效审理。     

论李明博政府的实用主义外交

李明博政府上台后推行实用主义外交政策,主要包括以服务于"先进化国家"为宗旨,强化韩美同盟关系、开启对日关系"新思维"、调整对朝政策、奉行有限度的"平衡"外交、积极开展对华经贸关系、对俄能源外交以及全球外交等.实用主义外交是基于国际和国内、历史与现实、社会与个人等多种因素考虑的结果.实用主义外交面临着美韩同盟利益与韩国民族利益的冲突、韩日之间的结构性矛盾、对朝政策的有效性以及李明博政绩认可度等挑战,其效果还有待于进一步观察.     

解析经济责任审计风险

经济责任审计是对领导干部进行经济行为监督和经济责任评价的重要手段,在社会主义市场经济中发挥着重要作用。由于审计人员本身的失误或其他客观原因,许多因素能导致审计风险。因此,为了达到审计目的,保证审计效果,必须采取有效措施来防范审计风险。     

广东高等职业教育对经济增长贡献的实证分析

20世纪60年代以来,教育对经济的贡献逐渐引起经济学界的重视。基于相关理论模型测算,广东省2002年~2012年教育对经济增长的贡献为3.44%,高等职业教育对经济增长贡献为0.65%,高等职业教育占整个教育对经济增长贡献的18.99%。因此,广东应加快转变经济增长方式,加大高等职业教育投入力度,充分发挥高等职业教育对区域经济增长的优势作用。     

中国如何应对经济全球化的冲击

21世纪是经济全球化的世纪,每一个国家都以积极的姿态迎接经济全球化的挑战.中国应保持清醒的头脑,融入经济全球化进程,勇敢迎接挑战,借经济全球化的契机,大力推进经济结构调整,发展开放型的经济,壮大自身实力,才能扭转自己在经济全球化中的劣势地位,才能应对经济全球化带来的挑战和冲击.     

La ñata contra el vidrio: urban violence and democratic governability in Argentina

The article argues that the increase in crime and urban violence in Argentina, especially in Buenos Aires, can be explained as an outcome of the interaction of four factors: the new social relations established by neoliberalism; the incapacity of the state to resolve the social conflicts which have arisen from these new social relations; the failure to democratise the security forces; and the exclusion of a sector of society from the rights of effective democratic citizenship. The increase in crime and urban violence is, thus, analysed as a problem of governability.     

On the political consequences of privatisation: the case of Teléfonos de México

This article examines the political consequences of the most important single privatisation in Mexico, that of the national telecommunications company, Telmex. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, diverse observers of Mexico claimed that, as the government pursued a dramatic privatisation programme as part of a broader plan to liberalise the economy, democratic growth would be encouraged. This argument is challenged in the case of the Telmex privatisation. It is shown how privatisation generated new resources that were channelled to lubricate corporatist relations and that the so‐called new unionism emerging from the telephone workers’union did not represent a departure from, but a culmination of, traditional state‐labour relations in Mexico.