Voices

正"My current visit to Egypt,on the instructions of President Xi Jinping,is to show China’s i rm support for the Egyptian government and people,and to express China’s sincere desire to deepen mutually benei cial cooperation between China and Egypt,"said Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi at a meeting with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi of Egypt at the Presidential Palace in Cairo on August 3.Before the talk he conveyed President Xi’s message to President Sisi.Wang Yi added that     

Caudillismo along the Nile

The “coup-volution” of 2011 removed President Mubarak but not his authoritarian regime, which is now guided by his successor, President Abd al Fattah al-Sisi. Both autocrats, there are nevertheless important differences between these two presidents and their respective regimes. Sisi’s tougher authoritarianism is analogous to the Latin American prototype of “delegative democracy”, a stalled phase of democratic institution-building in which voters delegate their authority to the president, who rules unconstrained by a balance of institutional powers. The primary feature of what in the Egyptian case might better be termed “delegative authoritarianism” is the decision-making autonomy of the president, who perceives himself as the “embodiment of the nation and the main custodian and definer of its interests”. This results in erratic, inconsistent and ineffective policymaking, which isolates the president yet more from institutions and political forces, while causing the entire polity to be suffused with a deep cynicism. Although the most probable scenario is that Sisi will continue for the foreseeable future as Egypt’s delegative dictator, as a one-man band his regime is inherently unstable and prone to coups, coup-volutions and outright revolutions.     

近代以降埃及现代化的探索

作为中东伊斯兰世界具有重要影响力的国家之一,埃及在近代西方的冲击下成为西亚北非地区最早着手现代化的国家,亦是该地现代化程度较高的国家,埃及的现代化进程无疑是伊斯兰世界的一个缩影。本文通过梳理近代以来埃及在政治、经济和社会层面的现代化轨迹,总结其现代化进程所面临诸多挫折困难的原因、教训和启示,有利于我们认识政治民主化、法制化、经济市场化、工业化、社会多元化和公民化等现代化的本质和内涵,为中东地区国家现代化发展进程以及存在的诸多问题方面提供了经验和借鉴。     

Can Democratic Governance Be Achieved in Egypt?

This article contributes to our understanding of whether democratic governance can be achieved in post-revolution Egypt. It explores the status of three key pillars of democratic governance in the context of the January 2011 People’s Revolution and subsequent political developments through August 2013: (1) inclusive participation, (2) responsive institutions, and (3) adherence to international practices and principles. Available evidence suggests that none of the democratic governance pillars has been realized so far as a result of political instability in Egypt. The article argues that the current political environment is not favorable to achieving democratic governance in Egypt.     

A New Islamic Populism and the Contradictions of Development

A new form of Islamic populism has evolved in many parts of the Muslim world. Its emergence is part of the more universal phenomenon of populist responses to the contradictions of globalised capitalism. It is also a consequence of the outcomes of Cold War-era social conflicts and of social-structural transformations in Muslim societies over the last half-century. Specifically, it articulates the rising ambitions and growing frustrations of urban middle classes across the Muslim world, the anxieties of growing urban poor populations and relatively peripheralised sections of the bourgeoisie. Thus representing cross-class coalitions, the New Islamic Populism aims to provide access to power and tangible resources to an ummah conceived to be both downtrodden and homogeneous, though in actuality, increasingly differentiated. This is demonstrated through a discussion of Indonesia, Egypt and Turkey. The article is intended to provide an alternative to analyses that have tended to dominate discussions of Islamic politics over the last decade. These include analyses that emphasise radical ideas transmitted by shadowy transnational networks that threaten the global secular order and those that posit a strong relationship between political moderation and democratic practice but tend to overlook the structural underpinnings of Islamic politics.     

Can Turkey's state–religion relationship serve as a role model for emerging Arab regimes? A critical assessment

One of the most pressing issues facing Arab societies, in view of the large-scale political transitions taking place in the Middle East, is the status of religion in the state. In this regard, Turkey, a Muslim democratic state, is often offered as a model to follow. The current piece demonstrates that despite the seeming appeal of the Turkish model, it is inadequate for Middle Eastern societies, in which religion plays a significant social role and is a core ingredient of individual and collective identity. This is because the foundations of the Turkish model were artificially imported from the Western experience, and forced from above onto the Turkish populace without much-needed contextual adjustment. This assertion is true not only for the original state-religion model in Turkey, but also for its modified present-day version, which bears to a large extent the burdens of the past. The article concludes by outlining some points that might serve emergent Arab democracies aiming to design a constructive and authentic model of religion and the state.     

文明交往、国家构建与埃及发展

埃及是地中海世界和地中海文明的重要组成部分,自古以来具有大开放特征。埃及伊斯兰教化与阿拉伯化后,曾在中古时代一度辉煌,随后严重滞后于地中海北岸的资本主义文明。强化对资本主义文明的认同,有益于埃及现代民族国家的构建与未来的大发展。从文明交往的横向维度和历史发展的纵向维度探讨埃及的国家构建与发展问题,则为人们思考当前的中东变局提供了新的视角。     

Understanding financial reporting fraud in Egypt: evidence from the audit field

This study expands our knowledge and understanding of financial reporting fraud in Egypt by drawing on the perceptions of experienced international and Big 4 auditors in that country. In particular, it explores (1) how common financial reporting fraud is in Egypt, (2) the perpetrators and victims of financial reporting fraud in Egypt and (3) how financial reporting fraud is committed and concealed in Egypt. The study sheds light on generic issues that could have implications for auditors and audit regulators. In addition, the study provides a detailed guide on how financial reporting fraud schemes are committed and concealed in Egypt, knowledge of which could help auditors design effective audit tests to assess fraud risk and help those charged with governance to design effective prevention and detection techniques. Egypt could be an attractive destination for international investors, therefore knowledge of the nature and victims of fraud in Egypt could help investors make informed decisions about where to invest their money. The results of this study could also help regulators in Egypt as well as World Trade Organizations determine where to focus their support and enforcement efforts.     

Les agents religieux islamiques en Afrique tropicale: réflexions autour d'un thème

There are political and environmental challenges in the Nile Basin. In the past, Egypt's military dominance, civil wars in Sudan and Ethiopia, and negligible use of water by upstream states muted political tensions. But demands for a fairer share of the Nile River have resurfaced, and many countries have openly defied the imposed regime, meaning the 1929 agreement between Egypt and Britain and the 1959 bilateral agreements between Egypt and Sudan. The literature suggests this can lead to both conflict and co-operation. The dominant power-based and interest-based regime theories of international relations differ in their formulation of actors or actors' preferences over outcomes. This article argues that, while the former is the most powerful tool to explain what has happened in the past, the latter theory has a much more nuanced and explanatory power in terms of what will happen in the future in the Nile Basin.