东北地区资源利用效率及对策研究

我国"十一五"规划明确指出,"十一五"期间我国要把节约资源作为基本国策,加快建设资源节约型社会。东北地区由于长期以资源开发和产品初加工产业为龙头的粗放型的经济增长方式,使其自然资源的优势逐渐丧失。经济增长方式转变的根本点在于提高资源利用效率,用较少的资源消耗获得较高的经济产出。以能源为例,对东北地区资源利用效率进行分析,历年的计算结果显示:东北地区能源消费总量增长减缓,能源消费结构逐步得到优化,能源利用效率逐年提高,但从绝对值看,仍低于全国平均水平。为构建资源节约型社会,可以通过优化能源消费结构、提高能源利用效率、优化产业布局等,促进东北地区经济发展与人口、资源与环境的全面协调。     

The problem with the “portfolio approach” in American energy policy

One predominant theme in American energy and electricity policy is the idea of a “portfolio approach,” or that society must embrace an assortment of different energy technologies simultaneously. This article argues that such a strategy, in practice, is (a) biased, since fossil fuel and nuclear technologies have been heavily favored; (b) opaque, obscuring the different full social costs of energy systems; (c) inequitable, promoting technologies that contribute to climate change; and (d) unsophisticated, ignoring important qualitative differences among technologies. The article estimates the full social costs of electricity generation, concluding that the five cheapest forms of electricity generation are all renewable resources; that intermittency is not a reason to reject renewable energy technologies; that nuclear power has significant technical and environmental problems, especially from a greenhouse gas emissions and climate change perspective; and that “clean coal” and carbon capture and sequestration technologies face significant challenges to deployment.     

The Social Sciences and a New Administration

The policy issues confronting the new administration in 2009 can benefit greatly from the results of social, behavioral, and economic sciences research. Climate change, energy, human capital, social, capital, migration, public health, fairness, new technologies, and foreign and defense policy are all issues that the research has addressed. The participation of social scientists in the policy process will enhance the contributions of the research.

治理贿赂犯罪国际公约立法发展及其启示

从上世纪70年代开始,经过三个阶段的发展,国际社会形成了以保障市场经济公平竞争秩序理念为指导、以打击行贿行为为主要策略、以加强商业组织治理为发展方向的国际公约立法体系,充分反映出市场经济下贿赂犯罪立法治理的基本规律。相比之下,中国贿赂犯罪立法治理存在理念较为滞后、治理策略相对简单、治理对象较为单一的问题,在未来中国贿赂犯罪治理改革中,有必要汲取国际社会贿赂犯罪治理之经验,及时调整相关立法理念和策略,以适应国内市场经济发展及世界市场竞争之需求。     

新旧动能转换视角下东北制造业高质量发展研究

新时代我国的经济结构、经济发展方式、经济增长动力发生变化,东北地区制造业作为经济发展的重要支撑力量,在提升发展效益、增强质量优势、实现高质量发展方面具有重要的战略地位.经济新常态下东北地区制造业面临新旧动能转换的困境,"两难挑战"和"双端挤压"压力并存,传统制造业改造升级步伐缓慢,高新技术制造业发展的接续支撑能力不足,...     

Russia's energy diplomacy with China: personalism and institutionalism in its policy-making process

ABSTRACT

Russia's growing energy cooperation with China is central to several of Moscow's top foreign-policy objectives. Analyzing what drives Russia's energy diplomacy with China can therefore shed important light on the dynamics of Russian foreign policy-making. We go beyond other recent studies of this topic by examining the role of domestic political influences and the countries’ bilateral interactions. We show that personalist elements influence both Russia's policy-making and its diplomacy with China. The personalism has made it hard for Russia to coordinate the relevant decision-making institutions and get the most from its energy strength. The economic gains from recent energy deals, particularly to Russia's Far East, have been less than expected, and Russia has met only limited success in achieving its foreign-policy priorities in the Asia-Pacific region. Moving forward, Russia must further institutionalize its decision-making process, limit the role of personalism, and better coordinate the activities of its energy firms with the goals of its central agencies and local governments.     

欧亚经济联盟运行机制及其法治化路径

欧亚经济联盟作为近年来一个新兴的区域经济一体化组织,已经成为推动欧亚地区经济发展的重要力量,它以《欧亚经济联盟条约》为法律基础,并形成了以决策机制、关税同盟、争议和纠纷解决机制为主要内容的联盟运行机制。在具体运行中,由于大国政治、经济因素,决策机制出现了俄罗斯主导倾向,关税同盟存在着统一关税执行难、关税分配不平衡的困境,纠纷解决机制中的司法主权冲突问题。发展欧亚经济联盟需要将其运行机制朝向法治化方向发展,包括夯实联盟运行的法治化基础、强化主权平等下的决策机制、利益合理分享的关税同盟,以及联盟与成员国司法权平衡。欧亚经济联盟对中国"一带一路"具有极大影响,在法律框架下将两大项目对接是共同发展的最优选择,也是中国与欧亚经济联盟共赢的法治途径。     

Softening the surface but hardening the core? Governing renewable energy in the EU

Abstract

Soft law and governance captured the attention of scholars in the 2000s, and new policy challenges and the novel introduction of ‘harder’ elements now drive a (re)turn to these discussions. This article explores the extent to which dynamics leading towards ‘harder soft governance’ (HSG) appear in the EU’s renewable energy governance by comparing the 2020 and 2030 Renewable Energy Directives. Document analysis and interviews reveal a surface-level softening because the new 2030 directive contains no binding national targets for the Member States. An entrepreneurial Commission has been seeking to introduce ‘harder elements’ at the core by focusing on implementation, allowing for potentially deeper influence on the national energy mixes though the Energy Union. Two main factors drive these changes: the evolving international context of climate change governance, as well as re-configurations of the actors in the EU. Future research should explore the effectiveness of emerging HSG in detail.     

Looking towards the East: the High Representative’s role in EU foreign policy on Kosovo and Ukraine

ASBTRACT

My article addresses the role of the two post-Lisbon High Representatives (HRs), Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini, in EU approach to the Eastern neighbourhood. Adopting a broad conceptualisation of EU foreign policy and drawing on the scholarly literature on new intergovernmentalism, it focuses on events that marked the HRs' mandates in the cases of Kosovo and Ukraine. In the case of Kosovo, it examines the HRs' role in the conclusion of the so-called Brussels Agreement (April 2013); and of the August 2015 agreements. In the case of Ukraine, it reconstructs how the HRs dealt with the events leading up to the November 2013 Vilnius Summit; and with those leading up to the conclusion in February 2015 of the Minsk II Agreement. The article argues that the European Council exerts tight control over the post-Lisbon HR, and EU foreign policy-making processes more generally. Nonetheless, the empirical analysis demonstrates that, under certain circumstance, the HR can significantly influence EU foreign policy in the post-Lisbon era.     

权力欲望中的主权想象——试论1863年《法柬条约》的历史意义

柬埔寨历史的编纂中一个显著的现象是，学界普遍认为1863年的《法柬条约》的意义乃是标志着柬埔寨沦为法国的保护国。本文将从《法柬条约》的文本人手，重新释读该条约的历史意义，以揭示出该条约的签订曾在法国、柬埔寨和暹罗3国之间掀起一场话语权争端。并且在争端的背后，柬埔寨固有的空间话语系统开始被严重摧毁，法国殖民者的主权想象通过权力机制的运作不断折射在柬埔寨。