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161.
"文化霸权"是意大利共产党领袖葛兰西关于文化革命的理论,其实质是上层统治集团使下层从属阶层"有组织的赞同"他们,以达到领导教化目的.赛义德将其扩展到东西方文化权力关系中,使之带上了西方殖民主义色彩.中国学者在沿用葛兰西的"文化霸权"理论的基础上,更多地吸收了法兰克福学派对"文化霸权"的理解,使之带上了对西方文化的警惕和抗拒心理,具有民族性的反抗文化殖民意识.这与葛兰西在纯学术层面上探讨的文化运作背后的权力关系已有了很大的差异.  相似文献   
162.
西北少数民族拥有丰富而独特的少数民族文化遗产资源,面对现代化以及现代文明的冲击,西北少数民族传统文化的流失日益加剧,很多流传几千年的少数民族宝贵的非物质文化遗产,已面临"人亡歌息"的处境。在文化遗产保护方面,尤其在非物质文化遗产保护方面,存在着专门立法少、对非物质文化遗产保护不平衡等亟待解决的问题,其保护工作尤其是立法保护工作紧迫而重要。  相似文献   
163.
社会主义核心价值观与中华传统文化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
社会主义核心价值观的提出立足于中华传统文化,融合了儒、道、法、墨等诸家学说的精髓,在继承的基础上创新发展。社会主义核心价值观同时是对当下中国社会与意识形态发展的总结和升华,推动中国特色社会主义伟大实践,对文化强国战略的实施和实现中华民族的伟大复兴具有重要的促进作用。  相似文献   
164.
Abstract

This paper explores the relationship between the arts and the growing research literature on social indicators in the United States. Building upon research and theory that identifies the need for indicators of “social health” that are broader than traditional measures of economic well‐being, this paper suggests that the arts are particularly useful terrain for conceptually extending quality of life research. After illustrating the broad range of thinkers who have argued that arts benefit society, the paper provides an overview of the various forms of arts data that are currently collected. Focusing on recent efforts to evaluate the quality of life within local communities and recent research on arts education, the paper suggests that scholars need to focus on building a clearer framework that connects arts data with the broader arguments about the social contribution of the arts. The paper concludes by identifying diversity, creativity, community, and participation as examples of concepts that can link existing arts data with the widespread belief in the democratic value of the arts, and argues that quality of life research needs to incorporate key community “assets”, including participation and practice in a vibrant arts world, into both the methodological and normative framework for defining social health.  相似文献   
165.
The presented article tries to make sense of Václav Havel, a man of many qualities and professions yet not a professional in the conventional sense of the word. The aim is to offer deeper insight into diverse cognitive elements which formed Havel's political reasoning and attitudes. The idea is to provide an alternative interpretation and get beyond the customary explanations expressed through traditional IR language seeing Havel as a dissident idealist who was pushed by some realist impulses to clearly define real political and later also geopolitical stands. In doing so, the article is divided into three parts. The first part discusses conceptual frameworks (rather than a single framework) within which Have saw and understood the political world. The middle part examines Havel's political agenda, namely the issues of the return to Europe, the German question, and relationships with Russia, the United States and toward multilateral institutions. The final part that utilizes primary data obtained through personal interviews with many Havel's close collaborators presents two faces of Václav Havel: the dramatist and the ideologue.  相似文献   
166.
This essay reviews a recent film dealing with the forced removal of Australian Aboriginal children from their communities by the Australian government for the best part of 60 years. It uses the review to draw parallels between Australian Aboriginal ‘stolen generations,’ the colonial schooling experienced by the indigenous Maori of New Zealand, the ‘mission school syndrome’ suffered by First Nations people in North America, and the routine punishment for language offenders experienced by the Coorg people from India. Anachronistic as they may seem, such racist policies are not relics of the past but features of modern governance that have only been abandoned relatively recently. In some cases, their ramifications are only just beginning to be felt. Some of the implications for criminology are touched upon. The film is situated in the context of existing video and literary materials dealing with the issue of schooling as a tool for assimilation that readers may find equally informative.  相似文献   
167.
ABSTRACT

The performing arts sector of the Czech Republic faces significant challenges twenty-five years after the Velvet Revolution, which ushered in swift and dramatic political, social, and economic change. Early policy decisions, subsequent privatization efforts, and neglect, compounded by the country's foray into the muddy waters of the free market, have left artists and administrators seeking solutions and searching for solvency. Empirical research, primarily in the form of surveys, site visits, and interviews with prominent Czech artists and administrators, significantly informs this article, which explores the state of Czech performing arts twenty-five years after the fall of Communism.  相似文献   
168.
ABSTRACT

Europeanization challenged the post-Communist countries with a series of difficulties and opportunities regarding the process of cultural policymaking. The exchange of information took place simultaneously with the process of national policymaking, influencing it. The article tackles this two-fold process and its implications in an endeavor to embrace sociocultural diversity on the one hand, and the attempt to harmonize national systems on the other hand. Culture is deeply linked to the perception of national identity, tradition, representation, and policy. Romanian culture and cultural policies have progressed through different stages in the last few decades: from Communist censorship and the disturbing period after the Revolution, to European pre-accession and post-accession, when cultural policies aimed to comply with the European directives for culture.  相似文献   
169.
The new Greek party system which emerged after the restoration of democracy in 1974 is characterised by a combination of features indicative of both continuity and change in comparison with the party system that existed before the military coup of 1967. This article concludes that in the present phase the contribution of parties to institutional consolidation and the stability of party identification, though not negligible, remains uncertain. It is likely to be influenced by variables both internal and external to the political system, relating to party interaction and to the relationship of parties with state and society.  相似文献   
170.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(3):200-220
Nineteenth-century America witnessed two major waves of populist mobilization. The first started in late 1840 in response to the massive influx of immigrants, predominantly from Catholic Ireland. The second occurred in the 1880s and 1890s, provoked by large-scale structural changes affecting rural America. Both movements promoted a far-reaching social and political reform agenda, which they believed would restore the country to its foundational roots: evangelical Protestantism directed primarily against the Catholic “invasion” in the first case, Jeffersonian republicanism directed against the collusion of money and politics in the second. Although both movements failed to realize their goals, they had a profound and lasting impact on the evolution of American identity. Nineteenth-century American populism thus offers a useful model for understanding present-day populist mobilization in Western Europe.  相似文献   
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