文化安全视阈中汉字安全的潜在危机

中国文化安全中的重要要素是汉字安全。汉字安全是指:汉字系统这项中华民族文化的重要载体处于没有危险的,即既没有外部的威胁又没有内部的混乱和疾患的客观状态;在中国国家文化中不失去其主导地位;保持合理的纯洁性;不给人民带来不便和害处;中国人使用汉字的权利不受外部强权的威胁和侵害。目前,汉字在中国媒体以及社会生活各领域中的应用方面存有潜在危机,人们对汉字安全问题的认识存有误区,不重视汉字应用的合理性、纯洁性和规范性,出现了汉字系统的混乱和疾患,给人民生活带来了一定程度的不便和害处,汉字安全的危机由此萌生。中国大众传媒过度使用英文字母缩略词对汉字安全构成外源性的冲击。海峡两岸以及港澳地区汉字字形不统一、中国人书写汉字能力下降以及不雅汉字的滥用,形成对汉字安全的内源性冲击。正视汉字安全的潜在危机,积极应对,维护祖国汉字体系的安全、完整和稳定,对于落实总体国家安全观,保持对自身文化的自信、耐力和定力,提升文化软实力,都具有极其重要的意义。     

An Economic Analysis of a Swedish Environmental Liability Case

A High Court case illustrates Swedish legal reasoning. The case extends the use of strict liability, although the main liability rule is negligence. The aim of the paper is to show the usefulness of the economic analysis in a practical case. The case concerns liability for damages caused by a leaky, hot-water pipe. The defendant maintained that it should not be held liable because it had not acted negligently, and the district court and the court of appeals supported the defence. Nevertheless, the High Court decided on strict liability. The High Court used a line of argumentation that, partly and implicitly, may have been economically correct. However, the precedence was most limited and unclear. Given an explicit goal of economic efficiency, the precedence would, in this simple and straightforward case, be that strict liability should prevail where the cause is unilateral and the injurer is able to cover and/or insure the loss.     

法律职业的危机与出路——评Rhode的《为了正义:重整法律职业》

该书评总结了美国法律职业面临的重重危机 ,例如“法律商业主义”盛行 ,职业伦理沦丧和行业规制的欠缺等 ;提出在职业改革、法律教育、法律消费和公众参与诸方面的改革方案 ;并对我国法律职业研究现状进行反思。     

Argentina's Landmark 2003 Presidential Election: Renewal and Continuity

This article provides an analysis of the political and socioeconomic context of the April 2003 presidential elections, focusing particularly on the campaign platforms of candidates, the outcome of the first round and the election's consequences for the party system. The election's results were far reaching in many respects. Argentina's longstanding two-party system came to an end with the virtual vanishing of the Radical party (UCR) at the national level. An evolved political culture resulted in new, more rigorous criteria for the selection of candidates. Finally, new political parties (MNR and ARI) emerged that could conceivably improve the quality of democratic governance in the future. In short, the 2001–2002 crisis fostered a significant degree of political renewal. Contrary to some predictions, however, the societal rejection of political parties did not result in either the complete demolition of the party system or the wholesale renovation of the political class. In particular, the Peronist party showcased its staying power and uncanny ability to adapt to new political environments.     

行政法视野下我国非政府组织合法性危机及其矫正

随着经济和社会纷纷步入转型期,我国社会的权力结构发生了变化。非政府组织的兴起改变了原来政府———市场的二元治理结构,推动着我国治理理念的转变以及民主法治的进步。然而,非政府组织蓬勃发展的同时也面临着内外交困的局面,从而引发了一系列的危机,尤其是合法性危机:一来其权力的来源缺乏明确的法律依据,二来缺乏代表性,再来独立性也受质疑。从行政法的视角分析了我国非政府组织合法性危机,并试图探索出解困之策。     

金融消费者的权益保护路径

在金融市场发展迅速的今天,传统的消费保护理念与制度没有为金融消费者权益提供充分的保障。次贷危机前后美国金融消费者保护格局发生了根本变化,参考美国的做法,我国应确立金融消费者保护是金融监管的目标,确立宏观审慎为金融监管的原则,并针对我国金融法律法规在消费者权益保护方面的不足,完善金融法并加强金融监管。     

环境损害赔偿与公益信托——以福岛核事故为中心

福岛核辐射事故造成包括森林、海洋、湖泊、地下水等的环境损害,其中,有些是私人受到了损害,有些是社会受到了损害。这些损害应该如何赔偿?特别是自然资源价值的赔偿是问题的难点所在,比如自然资源之森林,交换价值的赔偿应归属于所有人,其非使用价值则应归属于公众。因此,非使用价值则应赔偿给公众。但是,如何归属呢?对此,宜采用公益信托理念,由国家或地方政府作为受托人,为了社会整体享有利益,请求赔偿。而赔偿方式也是一个重要问题,一般有恢复原状、金钱赔偿两种,一般计算出的环境价值减少部分低于恢复原状的费用,但如果能准确计算出全部自然资源价值,环境价值减少部分与恢复原状的费用基本上相同。因此,公益受托人可以选择任何一种适于该情形的赔偿。     

警务危机谈判员的选拔模式初探

随着谈判理念的深入,培训工作的铺开,谈判组工作机制的建立,谈判事业要从一个经验型的时代走向科学型的时代,选拔工作需要规范化和专业化。应从谈判功能应该分区域、岗位角色应该具体化和岗位职责应该轮换的角度去阐述危机谈判员选拔的指导思想。综合国内外实践情况,阐述了一个"四步走"的基本选拔模式。     

自媒体时代公共参与的多元图景与路径选择--从地方危机信息管理的视角

基于互联网技术的自媒体不仅对公共管理产生了深刻影响，而且呈现出与公共参与互动式发展的态势。自媒体在一定意义上重构了信息生产与传播的格局，吸引着传统媒体环境下的边缘阶层更多地参与到公其生活中来，与变革迟缓的公共管理发生了碰撞，这一冲突迅速和直观地体现在地方危机信息管理中。面对信息技术革命带来的特定时代诉求，地方危机信息管理应当顺应社会转型与信息生产和传播规律，完善危机信息管理机制，提升公共治理水正.     

Regime and Power in International Terror Crises: Strong Democracies Fight Back Hard

This study explores regime, power, and violence in international terror crises (ITCs). It examines terror strikes and retaliations against the terror groups and their hosts. The exploration tests two hypotheses: first, democracies, like other states, retaliate, even at the risk of escalation; and second, strong democracies fight back with massive violence as do authoritarian regimes. Historical narratives of ITCs from 1934 to 2006 show that strong democracies were the most common targets of terror. Like authoritarian states, they responded to terror, but were the most violent retaliators, followed by weaker states, democratic or not. So the democratic constraints affect weaker states more than stronger ones. These trends draw attention to the destabilizing nature of international terror and its challenge to the peaceful resolution of international disputes.