全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1641篇 |
免费 | 103篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 165篇 |
工人农民 | 83篇 |
世界政治 | 110篇 |
外交国际关系 | 239篇 |
法律 | 473篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 63篇 |
政治理论 | 450篇 |
综合类 | 153篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 34篇 |
2020年 | 59篇 |
2019年 | 73篇 |
2018年 | 92篇 |
2017年 | 109篇 |
2016年 | 103篇 |
2015年 | 72篇 |
2014年 | 82篇 |
2013年 | 285篇 |
2012年 | 106篇 |
2011年 | 50篇 |
2010年 | 47篇 |
2009年 | 74篇 |
2008年 | 93篇 |
2007年 | 87篇 |
2006年 | 65篇 |
2005年 | 70篇 |
2004年 | 50篇 |
2003年 | 43篇 |
2002年 | 36篇 |
2001年 | 36篇 |
2000年 | 28篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1744条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
131.
东亚共同体:路径、机制与挑战 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
基于东亚金融危机的体制性原因,东亚一体化提上了议事日程,应该说,这是区域合作的政治构想。然而,作为政治构想的东亚一体化是一种"经济增长型政治"的意图,它走出了一条与欧盟完全不同的路径。首先,在欧洲,以"欧洲人"为核心的欧洲主义成为地域统合的原动力,可是,东亚经济统合缺乏"欧洲人"那种主体性意识,这是一种地域结构性的差异。其次,东盟"10+3"模式是东亚共同体的推进机制,然而,与欧盟比较,东亚缺少一个既有共同政治基础、又有法律约束力的推进机构。再次,冷战从欧洲全面退却,但是,在东亚,"冷战"呈进攻态势,"亚洲主义"成为东亚一体化进程中难以跨越的障碍。最后,文章指出,应以自由贸易协定推进东亚机构建设,以机构推进东亚一体化进程,并推动东亚共同的经济政治制度建设。 相似文献
132.
马庆钰 《天津行政学院学报》2004,6(4):24-28
在欧洲有着悠久历史并给各国人民带来了幸福美好生活的社会福利制度和公共服务,从高福利开始逐步造成了各国家的高税收,继而导致生产的高成本、社会的高失业率和国家竞争力的减弱,如何在不过于影响人民现有福利水平前提下走出这个怪圈,已经成为欧盟与各成员国政府公共服务改革与创新的一项主要议程。欧盟福利国家的经验启示是:我国社会公共服务要量力而行,社会保障服务要以救援为主,社会保险应引导自助为主,社会保险基金管理应选择市场化为主。 相似文献
133.
文章介绍了欧洲各国金融刑事侦查的主要战略:揭露非法收入的资金管理,目的是阻止犯罪企业在市场地位的巩固或者削弱其所在领域的影响力和控制力;还介绍了两种金融侦查战术:绘制犯罪企业的金融构成图;了解犯罪资金的相关金融管理,包括偿付和交易两种形式。 相似文献
134.
135.
Electricity supply in the European member states has been a closed national public sector service without competition for a long time. Currently, the European electricity industry is subject to radical change resulting from the European directive establishing common rules for the internal market in electricity, which came into force in 1997. This paper attempts to explain the varying forms of implementation of the internal electricity market in France and Germany. First, it clarifies the special characteristics of electricity supply and European electricity policy. Secondly, the paper shows the divergent sectoral arrangements of the French and German electricity industries. Thirdly, it points out that the different degrees of linkage between the public players and the electricity companies in France and Germany produce different political strategies which are followed by the companies at the European level, especially those strategies which seek direct influence on the European Commission. Finally, the paper reveals the significance of these strategies in Brussels in terms of the implementation of the single electricity market in both member states. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
136.
Despite the substantial body of research on the psychological and social effects of racial segregation in schools on African Americans, few studies have considered the possibility that more racially inclusive schools might reduce the risk of extremely negative adult life experiences such as incarceration. Yet such a connection is made plausible by research linking black racial isolation in schools to variables that are often associated with incarceration rates, including concentrated poverty, and low educational and occupational aspirations and attainment. In this paper, we apply methods first developed by labor economists to assess the impact of racial inclusiveness in schools on individual incarceration rates for 5‐year cohorts of African Americans and whites born since 1930. We find strong support for the conclusion that blacks educated in states where a higher proportion of their classmates were white experienced significantly lower incarceration rates as adults. Moreover, our analysis suggests that the effects of racial inclusiveness on black incarceration rates have grown stronger over time. These longitudinal effects are consistent with the argument that the educational climate of predominantly black schools has deteriorated in more recent decades. 相似文献
137.
Ulrike Liebert 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(3-4):241-256
What are the conditions for empowering `gender mainstreaming' as a new policy frame beyond the supranational level in member
states and regions of the European Union? This paper is premised on the following assumptions: that mainstreaming will reduce
gender disparities in Europe only if it takes root at all levels of decision-making, but that some national gender regimes
can be expected to resist mainstreaming more than others, especially because it does not command `hard' legal tools. The puzzle
to be examined is how mainstreaming can become effective across the European multilevel polity. It is argued that vis-à-visthe resistance of domestic gender regimes, the Europeanisation of equal treatment norms in national, regional and local contexts
over the past decades has generated a variety of mechanisms for the cross-border diffusion of new policy ideas that can help
to promote mainstreaming. Drawing on comparative Europeanisation research, this argument is developed in three steps. First,
the past performance of member states in the implementation of E.U. gender directives is explored, to identify patterns and
dynamics and classify leaders and laggards. Second, current mainstreaming experiences in one of the most conspicuous laggard
states – Germany – are examined closely. Finally, as a means of explaining the rather intense engagement of German federal
and regional governments with mainstreaming, two factors are highlighted: elite learning, and new governance instruments developed
by the E.U. Notwithstanding the steps taken to promote mainstreaming, the prospects for further institutionalization within
the E.U. appear contingent on the outcome of the Convention on the Future of the Union and the Intergovernmental Conference
planned for 2004, since the invigorating of the subsidiarity principle and the division of competences across the multilevel
polity are key issues of debate.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
138.
This study examined the relationship between lifetime abuse and mental health among 126 African American women and 365 White women from a primary health care setting who participated in a telephone interview as part of a larger study. Seven types of childhood and adult intimate partner abuse were measured. Consistent with hypotheses, (1) lifetime abuse was associated with elevated levels of anxiety and depression, and (2) women who experienced childhood abuse were more likely to report adult partner abuse. African American and White women showed more similarities than differences in the associations between most abuse experiences and depression and anxiety, as well as types of childhood abuse. African American abused women reported more excessive jealousy by partners. Nonabused African American women reported higher levels of depression and anxiety than their White counterparts. Results are interpreted and discussed taking into account relevant social and cultural factors. 相似文献
139.
论一般法律原则在共同体司法实践中的运用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
国际法适用于欧洲共同体 ,共同体法律体系中的一般法律原则基本上包括国际法的一般原则。在共同体中 ,一般法律原则的适用已是成员国的共识。共同体法意义上的一般法律原则既内在于共同体法的秩序里 ,也存在于成员国各法律体系之中。本文试图通过若干案例 ,说明一般法律原则在共同体司法实践中的运用。 相似文献
140.
Louis Klarevas 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):417-437
It is a commonly held belief that the foreign policy issue to which the American public is most sensitive is the use of military force. Because American public opinion regarding the use of force is highly palpable, salient, and organized, and because decisions regarding the use of force are some of the most important decisions the nation ever has to consider, the analysis of public opinion regarding military involvement is academically significant and policy relevant. The indication from policymakers is that American military operations require public support. As a result, scholars and analysts have come to realize that public opinion is the "essential domino" of military operations. The relationship between mass American public opinion and the use of military force has become, therefore, the focus of numerous studies and surveys. There are currently several competing explanations—schools of thought—in the literature on why the mass public supports the use of force. This article is an attempt to identify the most prominent schools of thought on public opinion and the use of force, and the central factors associated with each school. Such a review is important to generating policy–relevant guidance pertaining to public opinion and the use of force—an objective made more pressing by the current war against terrorism. 相似文献