全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1645篇 |
免费 | 99篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 165篇 |
工人农民 | 83篇 |
世界政治 | 110篇 |
外交国际关系 | 239篇 |
法律 | 473篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 63篇 |
政治理论 | 450篇 |
综合类 | 153篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 34篇 |
2020年 | 59篇 |
2019年 | 73篇 |
2018年 | 92篇 |
2017年 | 109篇 |
2016年 | 103篇 |
2015年 | 72篇 |
2014年 | 82篇 |
2013年 | 285篇 |
2012年 | 106篇 |
2011年 | 50篇 |
2010年 | 47篇 |
2009年 | 74篇 |
2008年 | 93篇 |
2007年 | 87篇 |
2006年 | 65篇 |
2005年 | 70篇 |
2004年 | 50篇 |
2003年 | 43篇 |
2002年 | 36篇 |
2001年 | 36篇 |
2000年 | 28篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1744条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
292.
The purpose of this article is to discuss the legal effects of the preliminary agreement between Albania and EU (European Union) on the EU and on the Albanian national legal system. The topic is "The Legal Obligations of Albania in the SAA (Stabilization and Association Agreement) With EU", and the purpose is to address the issue of harmonization and application of the obligation in the most effective way regarding the EU legislation. The method used is systematic, comparative and teleological analysis of the European and national legal systems and inherent principles and reflection on the ways of integration and coordination between them. At first the sources and features of the EU legal system will be presented. Then the application of these principles in preliminary and pre-accession agreement and through them their influence over the EU and over the national legal system of the pre-accession states will be presented. The contribution will be to argue that the preliminary agreement between EU and Albania creates legal effects both on the EU and on the national legal system of the pre-accessions countries. Their lull and effective application will be the duty of national court and legislators. 相似文献
293.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):19-39
This article analyzes the extent, substance, and underlying objectives of the European Union's (EU) new neighborhood policy in response to the Arab Spring. It questions whether the new policy approach constitutes a major policy shift or is just “old wine in new wineskins.” The article discusses the causes for much continuity and limited change in the new policy from a neo-institutionalist perspective. It concludes that both continuity and change primarily result from constraints inherent to the EU. In particular, the interaction between the Commission and the Council shapes a policy that corresponds with the normative aspirations and realist interests of the EU but hardly with the needs and expectations of the partner states. 相似文献
294.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):40-60
This article assesses European responses to the Arab uprisings and, in particular, the introduced change in the European Union policy toward its southern neighborhood. The presented analyses provide a profound scrutiny and assessment of the new version of the European Neighbourhood Policy, empirical evidence of persisting security considerations post-2011 in Euro–Arab relations, and a more elaborated vision of future Euro–Arab relations, attempting to balance between three considerations: security, democracy, and governance. 相似文献
295.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):61-79
Drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis, this article compares the structure of key policy documents on European Union (EU) democracy promotion in the Southern Neighborhood before and after the “Arab Uprisings.” With reference to the key document presenting the EU's revised conception of democracy and strategic vision in the Southern Neighborhood, this article argues that, despite assertions of a paradigmatic shift in the EU's approach to democracy, the conceptual structure of these documents maintains unaltered the substantively liberal model for both development and democratization. This is likely to leave the EU's pre-Uprisings reputational deficit concerning democracy promotion unaltered. 相似文献
296.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):80-99
This article analyzes the European Union (EU) policy for democracy assistance toward the Southern Mediterranean countries and tracks changes in the last decade, with a special emphasis on the most recent period. It shows that the EU policy, which goes under the acronym of EIDHR, has evolved, but predominantly in response to internal dynamics rather than to developments in Arab countries. The EU has increasingly provided assistance to local actors on the ground in non-member countries and has differentiated its action in authoritarian countries from countries in transition. When it comes to implementing its own policy, however, the EU is less able to promote democracy than human rights, and most of the funds go to support projects centered on relatively uncontroversial rights such as women's and children's. 相似文献
297.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):187-203
The third sector, traditionally considered in the Italian welfare state as a residual actor of social policies, has increasingly engaged itself in various types of partnerships and collaborative planning processes with the local authority in recent years. In the rhetoric of welfare reform, third sector organizations play an important role, for they contribute to regenerating local democracy, stimulating communities, and fighting social exclusion. The article examines 12 local area plans, which have been realized in eight regions of Italy since 2000, by relying on empirical data and interviews. The article concludes that the so-called co-governance of local welfare can produce very different levels of democratization and improvement of social programs. In some areas, it may be that valorizing the third sector can effectively renew social policies, while in others the exact reverse may happen. The article offers an analysis of the main factors that influenced this result. 相似文献
298.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(2):193-210
Abstract This article evaluates the planning process and initial implementation of the Rule of Law Mission of the European Union in Kosovo (EULEX). It shows that the original intention was to have a smaller presence than the predecessor United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Yet as a result of a lack of settlement on the international status of Kosovo, the European Union ended up with a robust mandate and it was unable to make a fresh start in order to distinguish itself from the United Nations. EULEX has, nonetheless, successfully established itself, but it remains too early for a final judgment. 相似文献
299.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):1-2
Abstract The police restructuring efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina driven by the international community, using in particular the leverage of European integration, attempted to achieve a reform that would transform a very fragmented police system into a de-politicized single structure and ended in the signing of a rather weak political agreement. The main reason why the process proved to be so difficult was that police restructuring touched upon the fundamentals of a delicate ethno-political power-sharing model in a post-conflict situation. But also, the approach chosen by the international community had serious deficiencies as the international community was far from speaking with one voice, thereby limiting its leverage. 相似文献
300.
Ludovica Marchi Balossi-Restelli 《European Security》2013,22(2):155-184
Abstract The thrust of this paper concerns the case of the European Battlegroup (BG) non-deployment in late 2008, when the United Nations requested European military support for the United Nations Organisation Mission peacekeeping force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The argument is built on the fact that when, in official documents, the EU approaches the European security and ESDP/CSDP's military crisis management policy and interventions, it makes strong references to the United Nations and the UN Charter Chapter VII's mandate of restoring international peace and security. Such references make it seem that supporting the UN when it deals with threats and crises is a primary concern of the EU and the member states. These allusions lead to the main contention of this paper, that there is much ambivalence in these indications. The paper develops its argument from one key hypothesis; namely, that the non-deployment of a European BG in the DRC, at the end of 2008, constitutes a useful case study for detecting a number of ambiguities of the EU in respect of its declarations in the official documents establishing the European military crisis management intervention structure. 相似文献