全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1487篇 |
免费 | 74篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 143篇 |
工人农民 | 22篇 |
世界政治 | 87篇 |
外交国际关系 | 436篇 |
法律 | 356篇 |
中国共产党 | 4篇 |
中国政治 | 18篇 |
政治理论 | 442篇 |
综合类 | 53篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 45篇 |
2023年 | 22篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 32篇 |
2020年 | 100篇 |
2019年 | 113篇 |
2018年 | 124篇 |
2017年 | 134篇 |
2016年 | 129篇 |
2015年 | 85篇 |
2014年 | 64篇 |
2013年 | 231篇 |
2012年 | 79篇 |
2011年 | 41篇 |
2010年 | 30篇 |
2009年 | 37篇 |
2008年 | 49篇 |
2007年 | 52篇 |
2006年 | 31篇 |
2005年 | 35篇 |
2004年 | 30篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 21篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有1561条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
871.
Under what conditions can regional and international courts (ICs) make decisions against their governments' preferences? To answer this much debated question, we develop a new, majoritarian model of state‐IC relations. It posits that in cases where well‐established ICs' positions are congruent with policy‐specific public opinion in leading member states, ICs can rule against their governments' position. We apply our approach to a series of landmark decisions by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) regarding United Nations sanctions against terror suspects. We find that the CJEU was able to harness growing public support to strengthen terror suspects' rights, punish states for superficial compliance with its rulings and ultimately broaden the Court's judicial review powers. Our analysis suggests that ICs can be agents of legal change and advance human rights against governments' resistance, but this role is conditional on the presence of public support. 相似文献
872.
Tom Casier 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2019,54(1):76-88
ABSTRACTAfter Russia’s retreat from the European Neighbourhood Policy, the EU’s policy towards its eastern neighbours was split up. The internal unintended consequence of the EU’s choice to leave its policy unaltered was a tension between the objective of privileged relations with ENP countries and a promise to recognise the interests of Russia as an equal partner. Externally, the unintended outcome was that this fostered two opposing strategic environments: a cooperative one for the EaP and a competitive one with Russia. In terms of the management of unintended consequences, the EU has actively sought to reinforce its normative hegemony towards EaP countries, while at the same time mitigating certain negative unintended effects. 相似文献
873.
The European Commission's 2017 White Paper on the Future of Europe sets out several scenarios related to differentiated (dis)integration. But although our understanding of the causes of differentiated (dis)integration has substantively improved over recent years, our knowledge about its consequences still remains limited. This shortcoming may lead to difficulties when it comes to formulating policy recommendations. Accordingly, we propose closer attention to the effects‐of‐causes of differentiated (dis)integration, linked to a more careful implementation of insights on causal inference. After briefly reviewing the foci and methods of existing literature on differentiated (dis)integration, we introduce a potential outcome model of causal inference. We provide an illustrative application of the synthetic control method, as one method related to this framework. Our analysis shows that the UK has economically benefitted from not joining the eurozone, but our argument more generally is about the practical implications of methodological choices in the study of differentiated (dis)integration. 相似文献
874.
Maria E. Burczynska 《European Security》2019,28(1):85-104
European air power is represented by a variety of air forces, each equipped with different capabilities and facing different limitations. Developing the former and making up for the latter requires resources and finances and is not always possible within a national capacity. It may be particularly problematic for smaller air forces, especially with the trend of shrinking defence budgets and increasing costs of the newest technological achievements. This article investigates the idea of multinational cooperation in Europe as a way to make up for these shortfalls and build collective European capabilities. In doing so, it focuses on two states, namely Poland and Sweden as examples of small air forces. By choosing these countries as case studies it also provides an opportunity to investigate the different forms of multinational involvement existing within and outside a major military alliance, namely NATO. The article explores the participation of the Polish and Swedish Air Forces in several multinational initiatives and investigates how such involvement increases (or not) their capabilities. 相似文献
875.
Anastasiya Pshenychnykh 《European Security》2019,28(3):341-359
ABSTRACTThis paper contributes to our understanding of EU-Ukraine relations by examining intersemiotic communication – how words and images, or verbal and photographic semiotic layers and their interaction, combine in the representation of international affairs. The analysis focuses on Ukraine’s perspectives of Self, the EU and Russia as presented in Ukrainian media discourse, namely, in leading Ukrainian social and political newspapers (January-June, 2016). The article presents the results of applying the cognitive theory of perspectives to research the intersemiotic and mental image of Self and Other in four aspects: a vantage point, direction of scanning, perspectival distance, and perspectival mode. Based on that, I explain the main strategic narrative of the Ukrainian press about the EU, how it is sustained, and how the image of the EU becomes pronounced. 相似文献
876.
877.
While the widespread diffusion of experimentalism across sectors and polities is well documented, less is known about the extent of the shift to this non‐hierarchical form of governance, which continues to coexist with traditional hierarchical governance and involves more inclusive rulemaking and revision based on review of alternative implementation experiences. By comparing and process‐tracing electricity and telecommunications regulation in the European Union, we find diversity in experimentalism over time and across two sectors often considered similar. We explain varying degrees of experimentalism with strategic uncertainty and the constellation of preferences, which we label “de facto polyarchy.” Thus, we confirm the emphasis on uncertainty documented in the experimentalist literature, while addressing a conventional critique by also highlighting the relevance of “politics.” Moreover, while corroborating the common spread of experimentalism, we suggest that an analytical framework based on ideal types offers the best route forward to develop comparative analysis of experimentalism and non‐hierarchical forms of governance more broadly. 相似文献
878.
The aim of this paper was to analyze equity market reactions to the mandatory European Union regulation of remuneration policies in financial institutions. Using event study methodology, we investigated market reactions to the first European Directive on compensation policies after the financial crisis using a sample of 124 banks operating in the European Union. We divided the sample into two groups according to bank size considering four criteria: the US Dodd‐Frank Act 2010, the Liikanen Report 2012, Global Systemically Important Banks 2011, and the European Central Bank 2014. We found strong evidence of an average negative market reaction to compensation regulation. Moreover, this negative reaction is stronger for large banks than for small/medium sized banks. 相似文献
879.
Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte 《West European politics》2020,43(4):894-918
AbstractThis article examines the effect of the financial crisis and economic intervention by the European Union on political parties’ politicisation of the EU within national elections. Data from the Manifesto Project for elections between 2002 and 2017 in 12 Eurozone countries is used to assess how the crisis and intervention altered the saliency, position and clarity of parties’ EU policies. The analysis shows that the crisis only led to an increase in EU saliency in those states not subjected to intervention whilst intervention is actually associated with a decrease in the saliency of the EU. In terms of increasing Euroscepticism, intervention appears to exhibit a greater effect than the crisis although the results display marked asymmetry between different parties on the left and right. The same is observed to be the case for the level of blurring that parties are engaged in to mask their EU positions. The implications of the findings suggest that economic intervention within the EU has negatively impacted democracy in intervened-in member states by reducing the manoeuvrability of parties to provide voters with clear choices on the direction of European integration. 相似文献
880.
Magnus G. Schoeller 《West European politics》2020,43(5):1095-1116
AbstractPolitical scientists face problems when assessing a leader’s impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central Bank’s role in announcing Outright Monetary Transactions in the eurozone crisis, and Germany’s role in shaping the EU’s response to the Ukraine crisis. Systematic process-tracing shows that both actors provided leadership ‘by default’. However, while the ECB had to combine the provision of knowledge with unilateral action in order to overcome the eurozone crisis, Germany could use manifold bargaining-based strategies and thus became the EU’s de facto agenda setter and main representative in managing the Ukraine crisis. 相似文献