足弓破坏法医临床学鉴定的影像学理论与实践

足弓破坏是现行GB18667-2002《道路交通事故受伤人员伤残评定》标准针对足损伤后伤残等级评定特别给出的命名,临床与法医学界对此问题的阐述尚较少见,有必要在实践工作的基础上加以总结。足在纵、横方向上形成凸向上方的弓形外观,分别为内侧纵弓、外侧纵弓及横弓。足弓作用主要在于吸收震荡,起到保护作用,具备静态与动态两种态势。足弓可借鉴静态体重负荷下X线摄足弓侧位片进行测量。足损伤致跗、跖骨骨折愈合后足弓X线测量值背离临床医学足弓正常参考值和/或维持足弓功能作用的肌肉、韧带严重损伤,可谓足弓破坏。足弓骨性构架的动力结构内侧纵弓或承载负重的外侧纵弓中任意一个破坏,必定影响横弓,符合一足足弓结构破坏1/3以上的限定要件;而内侧纵弓及外侧纵弓均破坏,横弓必定破坏,符合一足足弓结构破坏的限定要件。     

北京周边水域冬季常见硅藻的初步调查

目的初步探索建立北京地区硅藻数据库的方法。方法在北京地区5个自然主要水系和7个局部水域,选取17处采水点,在12月～3月份提取水样,通过形态特征辨识硅藻的属、种,根据镜下单位面积数量统计出不同属、种的硅藻在北京地区的地域分布特点。结果北京地区5个主要自然水系,硅藻种类检出12种,但属类只有3种;局部水域的硅藻种类检出有11种,属类多达7种,其它大多数水域每一处只有1种硅藻。结论目前硅藻的检验仍不失为一种行之有效的区别溺死与死后入水尸体的方法。     

民法视野下的人体法益构造——以人体物性的科技利用为背景

近现代民法体系所持的"人体为主体人格之一部"的立场系建立在传统人物两分理论基础之上,该理论虽有助于彰显人的主体价值和尊严,但在处理因人的活体、尸体、离体组织和基因的科技利用所生法律问题上,已显现出部分失灵和易加剧人体物性利用与人性尊严保障之间价值冲突的不足。人与物或人格与财产的区分并非绝对不容许因应时代变迁而作必要修正。通过逻辑的、价值的、实践的和法释义学的综合考量,理论上可以得出,有限地承认人体为物,并将"人体财产权"和人类作为物种享有的"类的人性尊严"纳入到人体法益构造体系之中,能较好地克服以上不足。在以公序良俗原则限制人体或其一部的利用和处分时,应建立和实践"人性尊严关联度原则"。     

The Successful Recovery of Low Copy Number and Degraded DNA from Bones Exposed to Seawater Suitable for Generating a DNA STR Profile

A universal method allowing for DNA profiling from bones exposed to seawater has not been reported yet. This study refers on the identification of a body immersed in seawater for 8 months. The biological material for identification was the mandibular body, usually characterized by low success rates of DNA analysis. Initially, two extraction protocols were performed with negative results: one used for bones immersed in fresh water and a silica‐column procedure. A third protocol was performed, which combined the extraction of a higher amount of bone powder, the use of multi‐silica‐based extraction columns followed by a concentration step. This protocol allowed to obtain low copy number DNA and to generate a 12‐loci STR profile by combining conventional STR typing and mini‐STR technologies. This protocol could be suitable when human bones have been exposed to severe environmental conditions, and the available nuclear DNA is highly degraded and in low copy number.     

域外财税法学发展及其对中国的启示

在市场经济和法治较为发达的国家,财税法往往相对完善,这不仅表现在财税立法、执法和司法上,也表现在财税法的教育和研究上。质言之,财税活动自国家产生之日就已存在,并在现代受到民主、法治等理念的深刻影响,在理财治国中发挥着系统性的作用。域外财税法学一直遵循独立的发展轨迹,尤其以税法为核心建构起了成熟的法律框架和教学体系。而财税法学在中国作为一门交叉学科、新兴学科,亟需厘清自身的性质和定位,围绕公共财产的收入、支出、监管展开制度构建,才能有效地推动财税改革和法治建设。同时,与欧美、日本等国相比,中国财税法学人地提出了"财税一体"的广阔视野,从而为财税立法和财税法学的后续发展奠定了良好基础。     

Coordination and control in Russia’s foreign policy: travails of Putin’s curators in the near abroad

Abstract

This article seeks to challenge the conception of the Russian state as being centred on Vladimir Putin by looking at the actors implementing Russia’s foreign policy in its near abroad. In particular, it explores the activities of curators (kuratory), a term applied in Russia to describe officials tasked with making things work often bypassing, and sometimes competing with, formal institutions. Following the state transformation framework, the argument put forward in the article is that curation (kuratorstvo), as a practice of coordination and control in Russia’s system of governance, can be seen as a manifestation of fragmentation and internationalisation of Russia’s foreign policy making. The empirical basis for this article is a case study of Russia’s policy towards Abkhazia, which Russia officially recognised as a sovereign state in 2008. This article addresses the involvement of curators in their attempts to exert political influence as an expression of fragmentation as well as emerging institutionalised curation in development assistance as a part of internationalisation.     

人民政协作为专门协商机构的时代特色与优势

人民政协作为专门协商机构是新时代党和人民赋予人民政协的新方位新使命.基于专门协商机构的制度定位,人民政协协商作为一种全职全程的常态化协商形式,在整个社会主义协商民主体系中占有重要地位,独具特色和优势.人民政协一切工作都基于协商民主而展开,是一种超越自身范围的资政协商,较之于其他的协商形式和渠道,人民政协协商组织性最强、制度化最高、协商主体最为专业.总之,人民政协作为专门协商机构,具有无与伦比的时代意蕴和独特优势,能够有效地将协商民主的制度优势转化为国家治理的效能.     

Decomposing Audience Costs: Bringing the Audience Back into Audience Cost Theory

According to a growing tradition in International Relations, one way governments can credibly signal their intentions in foreign policy crises is by creating domestic audience costs: leaders can tie their hands by publicly threatening to use force since domestic publics punish leaders who say one thing and do another. We argue here that there are actually two logics of audience costs: audiences can punish leaders both for being inconsistent (the traditional audience cost), and for threatening to use force in the first place (a belligerence cost). We employ an experiment that disentangles these two rationales, and turn to a series of dispositional characteristics from political psychology to bring the audience into audience cost theory. Our results suggest that traditional audience cost experiments may overestimate how much people care about inconsistency, and that the logic of audience costs (and the implications for crisis bargaining) varies considerably with the leader's constituency.     

Intellectual iconoclasm as modernizing foreign policy: the cases of Mahathir bin Mohamad and Lee Kuan Yew

This article attempts to engage in a preliminary twinned study of the foreign policy styles of Mahathir bin Mohamad and Lee Kuan Yew within the framework of ‘modernizing Southeast Asian foreign policies’. Modernization is a process of immense multidimensional displacement in economy, society, political system, attitudes towards politicians, identities, work, and consumption. As such the onus falls upon their leaders to either mitigate change or productively awaken their followers to embrace a new mode of thought. Both Lee and Mahathir have however chosen to engage in the foreign policy of intellectual iconoclasm featuring the narrative of ‘productive shock’, manufactured nationalist logics, elitist policy-making and elaborate self-propaganda.     

Resurgent authoritarianism: the case of Russia's new NGO legislation

Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these para-constitutional structures, Putin has firmly rejected these policies, among other things by revising the 1995 law on NGOs amended in 2006. Using the perspective of the dual state, the article argues that with the introduction of the Law on Foreign Agents (2012), the original law draft On Public Control (2014), a key element in Medvedev's modernization program, was delayed and substantially altered. Together, these amendments create precarious conditions for NGOs, pressuring their independence by threats of dissolution and reducing the quality of civil control over state organs.