破解职工自主入会意愿不强难题之我见

基层工会组织要发挥维护职工合法权益的基本职能作用，首先须将职工吸引到工会组织中来。为此，各级工会组织要直面职工自主入会意愿不强、入会率不高的难题，用增强工会组织活力和主动依法科学维权，来加大对职工群众的吸引力和凝聚力，把基层工会组织真正建设成为会员信赖的职工之家。     

The Iraq treaty, 1930

India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism.     

How Does Globalisation Affect Regional Inequality within A Developing Country? Evidence from China

Developing countries are increasingly concerned about effects of globalisation on regional inequality. This paper develops an empirical method for decomposing the contributions of two major driving forces of globalisation, foreign trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), on regional inequality and applies it to China. Even after controlling for many other factors, globalisation is still found to be an important factor contributing to the widening regional inequality. The paper ends by investigating the role of factor market segmentations in aggravating the distributional effect of changing regional comparative advantages in the process of globalisation.     

量刑程序主体初探

量刑程序诉讼行为的目的决定其主体除控辩审三方外，还应包含社会方。各主体在量刑程序中发挥不同的职能作用。为保证主体职能作用的充分发挥，应正确理解相关主体之间的关系，加强相应制度建设。保证量刑程序主体的主体性权利。     

论中国援外不附加政治条件原则的理论基础及现实意义

不附加政治条件原则的雏形是中国援外八项原则中的不附加任何条件原则。伴随中国改革开放和援外体制改革,期间曾表述为不附加任何政治条件。只字之差,反映了中国援外政策的变与不变之道。国家主权平等原则、不干涉原则以及经济发展的内在性要求,是不附加政治条件原则的理论基础。西方国家之所以歪曲和批评这一原则,归根结底还是出于对中国影响力上升的猜忌和遏制。着眼长远,中国援外的国际化道路是一个必然趋势,但是在变与不变之间,不附加政治条件原则仍将具有长久的生命力。     

从认同视角看卡扎菲的非洲外交政策

卡扎菲时期的利比亚持有多重身份认同。其中，阿拉伯认同、伊斯兰认同以及非洲认同在不同时期对利比亚外交政策发挥着不同程度的影响。从认同视角看，卡扎菲时期利比亚对非洲外交政策大致可以分成两个阶段：在卡扎菲执政的前20多年时间里，利比亚对非政策主要受到阿拉伯和伊斯兰认同的影响；从20世纪80年代末开始到卡扎菲政权垮台，利比亚对非政策的重点转移到了撒哈拉以南非洲，主要受到非洲认同的影响。卡扎菲政权垮台的结局说明，对于非洲各国来讲，国家认同是首要的核心认同，而非洲认同是相对次要的认同。     

Shot by the Messenger: Partisan Cues and Public Opinion Regarding National Security and War

Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.

论高校文化冲突与精神文明建设

改革开放给我们的精神文明提出了新的课题,高校精神文明建设也面临着复杂的文化冲突,像公私问题、义利问题、中西问题、古今问题、内外问题、知行问题等等,但我们对这些问题一直认识、研究、解决不够.要建设高校科学的精神文明结构,我们就必须从目标论、方法论、实践论3个层次上把握文化冲突,并将这3个层次贯穿于精神文明建设的整个过程中,一层层地进行分析和构建,把握每一层次的规律,探寻科学的方法,解决冲突问题.     

印尼外交政策研究的路径与方法

本文对印尼外交政策研究的方法进行了探讨,总结了印尼外交政策研究应遵循的一般规则.     

Memorializing genocide: embodied semiotics in concentration camp memorials

Theorists have argued that the “attempt to comprehend” the genocidal event represented by Auschwitz has “defeated the intellects of countless men and women”. Memorials at Auschwitz and other concentration camps such as Dachau and Buchenwald, and to a certain extent those outside of Europe, such as Tuol Sleng and Choeung Ek in Cambodia, are attempts to call attention to these atrocities in the hope of preventing the repetition of their like. Yet these projects, like all historical monuments and memorials, face the problem of a certain coldness and indifference caused by historical distance, consumerist culture and the seemingly abstract nature of historical images and documents. Concentration camp memorials are not entirely immune from these problems. However, in their use of an embodied semiotics invoking the visitor’s own body as a direct participant in immersive environments, sensory surfaces and displays, these memorials engage – not unproblematically – in a project to realize this history in visceral and concrete ways. This paper examines the semiotic strategies of the concentration camp as a technique of “embodying” suffering that is intended to counter the dissipation of affect in a media-saturated consumerist era.