海洋保护区治理的制度分析——以法属波利尼西亚莫雷阿的海洋区管理计划（PGEM）为例

海洋保护区在过去十年迅速增长。事实上,封海洋保护区治理的分析显示不同保护区的管理模式和行政模式差异很大。而且为了实现某种目标,他们采取的具体措施也绝然不同,这些状况是由它们的历史、社会和经济环境,以及它们的法律和制度框架决定的。通过法属波利尼西亚莫雷阿海洋保护区的海洋区管理计划的案例,本文提出了一个制度分析方法,这个分析方法描述了海洋保护区的管理特点,同时对这些具体措施进行分析可以封治理质量做出整体评估。     

读音和词形英语化与法语借词

法语借词通过英语读音和词形同化而具备了英语词汇的读音和词形特征。依据非同化和同化概念细化的英语读音和词形同化方式,分析法语借词英语读音和词形同化的规律。英语读音同化法语借词呈现两种状态：英语读音体系的归属与法语发音方式的遗存;英语词形同化的法语借词词根不变,而是在词尾、词中等位置局部改变法语词形。     

法国侦查制度简论

侦查制度是指一个国家或地区有关侦查活动的组织、程序、人员方面规则体系的总称。法国侦查制度有其特定的侦查主体、侦查措施、侦查模式。     

Faces of the War

正WAR may shatter humanity,but it also brings out our best qualities.During WWII many people in occupied Europe and Asia risked their lives to help war victims.Among them are John H.D.Rabe of Germany,Jean Augustin Bussiere of France,Grigori Akimovich Kulishenko of Ukraine and He Fengshan and Nie Rongzhen of China.     

《法国民法典》成功制定的经验及其借鉴

《法国民法典》是举世闻名的民法典 ,它的制定和内容具有自身独特的特点。我国《宪法》和其他法律的制定及修改以及立法机构的设置 ,可以借鉴其经验。     

Identities in a ‘fragmegrated’ world: black cyber-communities and the French integration system

Constrained by racism and increasing white ownership of the music industry in the United States, African-American jazz drummer Kenny Clarke exited the New York jazz scene for Paris in 1956. Clarke's migration not only represented social freedom but also creative freedom. Through his mentorship of French artists and his work to universalize jazz beyond the authority of just African-American musicians, Clarke signified blackness and Europeaness. In the process of his migration, musicianship and mentorship, Clarke used jazz to meld African-American culture with the music, culture and socio-political concerns of European musicians and fans. This paper argues that even though he was not born in Europe or colonized by European countries, Kenny Clarke and other exiled African-American artists offer an alternative narrative to the negotiation between being black and European.     

一门大炮:由议会转向政府——论法国宪法委员会功能的演变

二战之后,法共等左派一直在议会中属于多数派,但左派在政治上始终处于被动地位,法共和社会党支持的宪法草案在1946年6月的全民公决中遭到否决。为及时通过第二部宪法草案,宪法委员会制度得以创设。但整个第四共和期间,宪法委员会仅履行一次职能。1958年戴高乐临危受命,为限制议会地位,加强了宪法委员会的权力,被称为“一门对准议会的大炮”。第五共和初期,宪法委员会活动范围有限。自1971年结社自由案和1974年宪法修改后,违宪审查的范围和基准都扩大了,逐渐成为人权和自由民主基本秩序的维护者。这个经验主义的做法或许对推进我国违宪审查制度有所裨益。     

BILATERAL PERSPECTIVES

正Editor’s Note:On the eve of the 50th anniversary of Sino-French diplomatic ties,Beijing Review interviews four people from China and France and asks them to share their impressions regarding the past,present and future of the relationship between their two countries Cai Fangbai,former Chinese Ambassador to France(1990-98)I have worked in France for24 years,during which time     

‘The clash of races’ and ‘the Jewish intelligence’: a specifically French form of social antisemitism

The phenomenon of ‘social antisemitism’ is well known. By the beginning of the twentieth century, however, an idiosyncratic variant had emerged in France. Where, elsewhere, social antisemitism tended to be ingrained and unthinking, this French variant was (typically) more theoretical, and its practitioners tended to be among the most prominent authors and thinkers. It stressed the essential cultural differences between the ‘French’ and the ‘Israelites’, and the ‘separateness’ of the Jews within France, and also developed a series of facile generalizations about the essentially inferior nature of the Jewish intellect. Griffiths examines this phenomenon, both for its characteristics and for its widespread existence in French intellectual circles, by taking a specific subject: the reception of Lacretelle’s 1922 novel Silbermann. A wide range of writers and critics—a number of whom had in other circumstances a reputation for liberal values and attitudes, and had been among those who had deplored the excesses of the antisemitic mob during the Dreyfus affair—are found to echo the views put forward by Lacretelle in that novel, and even to elaborate on them. Many of these writers were to adopt a completely different attitude towards the Jews after the Second World War; when the position of the Jews was fully realized, their earlier ‘social antisemitism’ proved less powerful than their human sympathies. But this is not to devalue the importance of the danger posed by social antisemitism, which could provide the basis for far more virulent forms of racism to flourish.     

Transnationalism and the French Nouvelle Droite

ABSTRACT

Born in 1968, the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) is a ‘cultural school of thought’. It created a sophisticated European-wide political culture of the revolutionary right in an anti-fascist age; it helped to nurture the discourse of ‘political correctness’ among extreme right-wing political parties, and turned former French ultra-nationalists into pan-Europeanists seeking to smash the egalitarian heritage of 1789. Bar-On argues that the ND world-view has been shaped by transnational influences and that the ND has, in turn, shaped a decidedly more right-wing political culture in Europe in a transnational spirit. The transnational impact of ND ideas is a product of three key factors: first, the intellectual output and prestige of ND leader Alain de Benoist; second, the ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ of the ND's pan-European project that mimicked earlier attempts to unite interwar fascists and post-war neo-fascists into the revolutionary right; and, finally, the political space opened up by the decline of the European left after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Bar-On concludes by considering the influence of the ND on contemporary European politics, as well as the implications for the struggles against racism and the extreme right.