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31.
Thi Quynh Trang Nguyen 《Journal of Gender Studies》2017,26(6):609-617
This paper examines gender discrimination using two novel perspectives: its relationship with personal face and its manifestation in contemporary Vietnam. Interviews with a sample of college teachers in Nha Trang city suggest that gender discrimination is reflected in and institutionalised through learning and enacting ‘acceptable’ face-related behaviours. These processes are exemplified in gender based linguistic conventions, role differentiation and segregation, the higher value associated with male roles, the (surface) acceptance of double standards by both genders and the recognition of public sanctions as effective reinforcers of gender inequality. Despite limitations in generalising from this research, an approach based on personal face-related language, behaviour and attitudes has promise for understanding how gender inequality functions at both individual and societal levels. 相似文献
32.
Efrat Aviv 《Democracy and Security》2018,14(3):276-299
This article aims to demonstrate the importance of the relationship between the Naqshbandi Ismaila?a community and the AK Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi, “Justice and Development Party”) government. As one of the most widespread Sufi brotherhoods in the world, the strength of the Naqshbandiyya lies in its characteristic combination of strict adherence to religious law and active involvement in social and political affairs. The ?smaila?a community, one of five main Naqshbandi communities in Turkey, is highly conservative and traditional, historically dominated by elders who have remained aloof from any power struggles within the Turkish government. While the AK Party has developed ties with religious orders in recent years, including the Ismaila?a, some voices within the Ismaila?a community have become critical of this relationship, leading to a rift within the community. In addition, since 2013, and especially after the attempted coup of July 2016, the AK Party has lost the support of its old ally, the Fethullah Gülen movement. This article examines the relationship between the AK Party and religious movements in Turkey as reflected via its relationship with Ismaila?a, and assesses whether the Fethullah Gülen movement can be replaced as a party ally by the Ismaila?a community. 相似文献
33.
Michael Minkenberg 《West European politics》2018,41(1):53-79
The article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic?Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses. 相似文献
34.
张长利 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2000,(3)
本文探讨了政策性银行的法律地位问题。政策性银行是我国新出现的一种新型法人 ,具有独立的法人地位 ;我国民法对法人的分类并不能囊括政策性银行这类新出现的法人 ;当前强调公私法的区分和公法人私法人的划分 ,具有重大的理论意义和实践意义 ;我国政策性银行应是公法人 ,具有充分的根据 相似文献
35.
陈承帼 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2000,(3)
作者根据担任基层党务工作者的辩护律师的体会 ,认为司法实践中把基层党务工作者上作为国家工作人员是错误的 ,论文从《刑法》、党章党规及有关司法解释的层面得出基层党务工作者不属《刑法》十三条中的“国家工作人员”的结论。 相似文献
36.
史彤彪 《北京行政学院学报》2007,(3):79-82
自然法理论与罗马法学相结合,使罗马法优越于同时代其他国家的法律;自然法观念促使人们发出对法典化的呼唤,著名的《法国民法典》和《德国民法典》得以诞生;自然法是国际法的基础或渊源。 相似文献
37.
The article comparatively investigates reforms of human resource management in the European Commission and the OECD Secretariat. It analyzes to what extent both organizations have adjusted their respective structures towards the ideal type of the so-called New Public Management (NPM). The empirical findings show that reforms towards NPM are more pronounced in the Commission than in the OECD Secretariat. These findings are surprising for two reasons. First, it seems rather paradoxical that the OECD as central promoter of NPM at the international level lags behind the global trend when it comes to reforming its own structures. Second, this result is in contradiction with theoretical expectations, as they can be derived from theories of institutional isomorphism. To nevertheless account for the surprising results, it is necessary to modify and complement existing theories especially with regard to the scope conditions of their causal mechanisms. 相似文献
38.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献
39.
Sajjad Nejatie 《Central Asian Survey》2019,38(4):548-569
ABSTRACTThe Abdālī Afghans-Pashtuns played a leading role in the creation of the Durrānī polity (est. 1747) – the precursor of present-day Afghanistan. Given their lasting contributions to the process of state formation in Central Asia, it is somewhat surprising that the early history of the Abdālī remains obscure. Nevertheless, authors of recent generations have not been deterred from speculating on the origins of the Abdālī. This article explores the prevailing theories concerning Abdālī prehistory, including the tribe’s purported connection to both the Hephthalites and the Sufi saint Abū A?mad Abdāl, as well as some of the motivations undergirding these theories. It also considers the place of the Abdālī within the Afghan-Pashtun tribal system and ventures to reconcile their Afghan identity with their alleged non-Afghan origins. The present study thus aims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the history of the Abdālī – the most politically prominent group in Afghanistan’s history. 相似文献
40.
单位共同犯罪及其刑事责任剖析 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
申君贵 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》1999,(4)
单位共同犯罪,是我国刑事立法和理论的一个发展,文章对单位共同犯罪的特征、形态、责任,在与自然人共同犯罪进行比较的基础上,作了具体剖析 相似文献