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11.
按照"党的建设科学化"这一重大命题的逻辑,研究和思考选人用人科学化具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。实现选人用人科学化,必须针对选人用人上存在的瓶颈问题,大力推进选人用人制度改革,不断提高选人用人科学化水平。同时,要建立和依靠科学的制度,为选人用人科学化提供基本保障。  相似文献   
12.
用问卷调查法对北京市30多所高校大学生就其择业倾向的调查结果显示:大部分女大学生把工作稳定排在首位;首选的就业地区是经济发达的大中城市;大部分认为工作与所学专业要有一定关联;期望的月薪集中在2500~5000元之间,工作的首要目的是实现自我价值;低收入家庭选择找工作的比例高,高收入家庭选择准备出国的比例高;愿到基层就业的女大学生总体趋势随着家庭年收入的增加而下降;高收入家庭的学生更看重第一份工作对自我成长的价值,而低收入家庭的相对看重先自食其力;成绩排名靠前的学生选择继续深造的比例高,成绩排名靠后的选择找工作的比例高。  相似文献   
13.
根据进化论的自然选择法则,自利性和优胜劣汰的竞争机制不仅是推动物种进化的动力,也是推动领导理论不断进化的动力,道德领导就是领导理论发展进化的一个产物。在新的历史时期,领导活动的生态环境已发生了明显的变化,从而推动领导理论开始向道德维度拓展。根据物种进化的逻辑,道德与领导相结合不仅是必然的,也是合理的。  相似文献   
14.
Research indicates that voters are not particularly effective at removing corrupt politicians from office, in part because voters make decisions on the basis of many competing factors. Party leaders are much more single-minded than voters and will choose to deselect implicated legislators if it means maintaining a positive party reputation and improving the odds of winning a legislative majority. We examine renominations to Italy’s legislature in two periods marked by corruption. We compare these renomination patterns with those from the prior legislature, when corruption lacked political salience. Our analysis shows that incumbent renominations are negatively associated with the number of press mentions that link the incumbent to corruption—but only when corruption is salient to the public. Our study highlights the importance of party leaders in forcing malfeasant legislators out of office—and reducing corruption—and redirects attention from voters to political elites as a critical channel in enforcing democratic accountability.  相似文献   
15.
Taking into consideration the eugenic nature and perspective of high-performance human resource management functions on organizational effectiveness, the authors examined managerial and employee level of recruitment and selection on operational performance with emphasis on human capital and three indicators of organizational commitment (affective, normative, and continuous) as mediators. Questionnaires totaling 282, 122 for managerial level and 160 for employee level, were administered. A multilevel analysis of data were conducted on a selected number of Ghanaian NGOs using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The study revealed that recruitment and selection ideally leads to improved operational performance, however, this affiliation can be enhanced through the inescapable role of human capital and the three commitment indicators (affective, normative, and continuous). It was also exposed that effective recruitment and selection leads to a desirable employee’s level of affective, normative and continuous commitment, which also have greater influence on the operational performance. The study is thus considered very significant contextual support to existing literature and practitioners since not much of such work has been done in the Ghanaian context. Therefore, the current study implicates recruitment and selection, human capital, and the three commitment levels as a core value-creating ability that drives non-governmental organizations performance.  相似文献   
16.
对外直接投资在二战后发展的规模和速度极为突出。作为国际生产的主要载体,跨国公司在对外直接投资时.首先要考虑的一个重要问题就是区位选择问题。跨国公司直接投资的区位因素分析,一直是国际经济学界关注的理论热点之一。在经济全球化背景下,研究跨国公司对外投资区位决策因素的变迁,对分析跨国公司的直接投资行为和投资流向的变化具有重要意义。  相似文献   
17.
The Conservative Party is the oldest of the 'mainstream' British parties, but has only elected its leader since 1965. In this article, I explain the variety of methods used by the Party to select its leader and assess the impact of 'democratisation' over time. I begin by examining the informal 'system', known as the 'magic circle', which existed until 1965, and explain how and why it came to be abandoned. I then discuss the six elections between 1965 and 1997, when the Tory leader was chosen exclusively by the Party's MPs. Finally, I assess the impact of the 'Hague rules', according to which Party members have the final say, between their adoption in 1998 and the election of David Cameron in 2005.  相似文献   
18.
This article investigates citizens’ refusal to take part in participatory and deliberative mechanisms. An increasing number of scholars and political actors support the development of mini‐publics – that is, deliberative forums with randomly selected lay citizens. It is often argued that such innovations are a key ingredient to curing the democratic malaise of contemporary political regimes because they provide an appropriate means to achieve inclusiveness and well considered judgment. Nevertheless, real‐life experience shows that the majority of citizens refuse the invitation when they are recruited. This raises a challenging question for the development of a more inclusive democracy: Why do citizens decline to participate in mini‐publics? This article addresses this issue through a qualitative analysis of the perspectives of those who have declined to participate in three mini‐publics: the G1000, the G100 and the Climate Citizens Parliament. Drawing on in‐depth interviews, six explanatory logics of non‐participation are distinguished: concentration on the private sphere; internal political inefficacy; public meeting avoidance; conflict of schedule; political alienation; and mini‐public's lack of impact on the political system. This shows that the reluctance to take part in mini‐publics is rooted in the way individuals conceive their own roles, abilities and capacities in the public sphere, as well as in the perceived output of such democratic innovations.  相似文献   
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竞争性选拔是干部选拔任用的重要方式之一,在促进干部队伍中优秀人才脱颖而出方面发挥了积极作用,但也存在着一些不容忽视的问题,为此,应在明确职能定位、确定适用标准、抓好关键环节、完善监督机制、构建制度体系等方面下功夫,在实践中努力改进和完善竞争性选拔干部方式。  相似文献   
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