Don’t push too hard. Examining the managerial behaviours of local authorities in collaborative networks with nonprofit organisations

In recent years, collaborative networks have been at the forefront of theoretical, empirical and practical research into local governance. Nevertheless, the managerial behaviours local managers should employ in order to improve the performance of these networks are unclear. Following scholars' examinations of governance and the complementary relationship between government bodies and nonprofit organisations, we empirically examined – so far as we know for the first time – the relationship between local authority managerial behaviours towards nonprofit organisations, and the performance of collaborative networks. We found that above and beyond micro- and macro-level factors, the more the local authority employs inclusive governance and financial support behaviours towards the nonprofit organisation, the higher the performance of the collaborative network. In addition, the more the local authority employs monitoring-controlling behaviours, the lower the performance of the collaborative network. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are developed in the context of local governance.     

Relationships of control and relationships of engagement: how educator intentions intersect with student experiences of restorative justice

The practice and popularity of restorative justice (RJ) in education has been growing in recent years. RJ can be understood in dramatically different ways by those implementing it. For some, RJ is about creating an environment of and for student engagement that challenges traditional systems of discipline and facilitates learning. For others, RJ is simply another tool for solidifying compliance and meting out punishment, albeit in a kinder, gentler way. This comparative case study focused on the use of RJ in one school in Scotland and one in Canada, exploring the intersection between educator intentions and student experiences. I determined that the key element is not the implementation of RJ, but the school’s predominant relational objectives. In a school where relational objectives are of social control, RJ is utilized to strengthen that control. Where the relational objectives are of social engagement, RJ is utilized to strengthen that engagement. RJ in schools is a window into what is most fundamental to students: relationships. The study argues that RJ, by itself, does not guarantee certain qualities of relationship, but it does allow us to examine those qualities and ask questions of how school relationships are used to engage and/or control students.     

论警察临战中的媒体关系管理

警察临战危机管理中的新闻传播策略,旨在掌握报道的主动权,有效管理现场媒体,从而澄清事实真相,消除公众误解,维护和恢复警察组织形象。本文分析了警察临战状态下媒体工作的特点和性质,并对警察临战危机关系管理的原则和应对新闻媒体的若干技巧进行了实践性的探讨。     

大学生心理问题与违法犯罪行为的相关性研究

大学生群体犯罪问题日益严重.大学生学业、就业压力大、人际关系紧张等诸多因素直接引发相应的心理问题,压力的不可逆转、观念的缺乏更新和心理调节、适应能力的欠缺,以及受个体人格特质的左右,从而引发相应的行为问题.大学生违法犯罪行为的频繁发生也在所难免.因而大学生行为问题的预警与干预非常重要.     

DNA数据库比对技术在刑事侦查中运用的合宪性问题

DNA数据库比对技术实质上是基因检测技术和大数据处理技术相结合的产物。DNA数据库比对技术可以精确锁定犯罪嫌疑人,由于其强大的证明能力而被广泛地运用于刑事侦查,各国都积极推动DNA数据库的建立。DNA数据库比对技术在维护了社会安全的同时也对公民基因隐私构成极大威胁。如何在技术的运用和隐私权保障之间做出更好的平衡,是DNA比对技术的合宪性争议的中心。廓清了合宪性问题,我们才可以更好地制定相关法律,消弭合宪性问题,在保障公民隐私权的同时也更好地维护社会安全。     

Ideas,interests and practical authority in reform politics: decentralization reform in South Korea in the 2000s

This paper explains the reason why the hitherto statist country, Korea, has carried out significant decentralization since the 2000s. In explaining the motivation for decentralization, extant literature has focused on the role of parties, bureaucratic politics, democratization, or territorial interests. Yet there is still limited explanation of how the decentralization laws in Korea could be successfully passed in the 2000s, while cental stakeholders still persisted. By tracing the process of decentralization reform in the 2000s, this article demonstrates how structural factors created favourable circumstances and discursive background for institutional change, and how the idea of decentralization, through the idea diffusion mechanism, gave directions for central decision makers to produce a specific path of reform strategies. It also pays attention to the formation of ‘practical authority’ for reform politicians that made it possible to overcome obdurate resistance from central bureaucrats and politicians.     

控权论视角下政府绩效问责的有效治理路径

政府绩效问责作为一种执行工具和制度安排,具有绩效激励与问责控制的双重功能。在控权论视角下,绩效与责任并重、控制与激励兼容以及科层体制的制度保障构成绩效问责的控权治理基础,事前目标设定、事中检查验收与事后激励奖惩则形成绩效问责的控权行动规程。政府绩效问责的有效治理取决于整体制度与行动系统的逻辑匹配、功能互补与流程衔接。政府绩效问责所面临的目标偏离、信息障碍、标准模糊等制度困境和责任厘定、行为监测与绩效反馈等执行难题,主要归因于科层体制下绩效激励与问责控制的非一致性与非协同性。对此,需要总体上审视绩效问责制度均衡条件与行动支持机制,通过分层设置绩效目标任务、实施清单式检查验收和分级对位奖惩,达成全域定责、全程督责与底线追责的有效控权和高效问责。     

空间代谢组学在经脉脏腑相关研究中应用思考

空间代谢组学在生物医学领域中可对代谢物表型进行定性、定量、定位的全面分析研究,具有操作简单、适用广泛、空间识别功能等特点,能够有效解决空间分布差异或结构差异的问题,其应用特点有很大可能适用于经脉脏腑相关研究的需求。将其运用到经脉脏腑相关研究中是构建脑区代谢图谱,验证代谢过程,确定量效关系的重要手段,为深入研究经脉脏腑相关提供了一种新方法和新思路。     

降解生物检材DNA分析研究新进展

在法医检案过程中,如何从降解生物检材中获得正确的DNA分型是法医学界的一个难题.本文对降解生物检材DNA分析研究取得的新进展进行综述,从检案的各个环节出发对近年来提高DNA分型成功率的方法和技术进行了详细介绍,例如新型遗传标记的开发和二代测序技术的应用等.希望为降解检材的分析提供新的思考和方法.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.