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131.
Since the 2016 Brexit referendum a series of crises has gripped Northern Ireland's politics. This has had a destabilising effect across society, which has arguably been felt most acutely by political unionism. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) of 1998 created a series of institutions to deal with political conflict in Northern Ireland, manage cross-border cooperation and normalise relations between the UK and Ireland. However, many aspects of it have been sparingly and ineffectually deployed, most notably the second and third strands dealing with north/south and east/west relations respectively. In this article, the authors argue that regular use of the institutional arrangements created by the Agreement would help to deal with the challenges currently facing Northern Ireland and help address unionist anxieties over the Protocol. Use of the North-South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the British Irish Council (BIC) and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) should be prioritised. The unresolved issues arising from Brexit require a recommitment to the intergovernmental logic at the heart of the 1998 Agreement, despite the obstacles. 相似文献
132.
133.
《Science & justice》2022,62(2):193-202
Cyanide is a powerful and rapidly acting poison. In Japan, cyanide poisoning is rare, and regular cyanide testing can be costly and time consuming. In contrast, alcohol analysis is routinely performed in most forensic laboratories. In this study, we attempted to develop a method for the simultaneous quantification of cyanide and alcohols in blood using headspace gas chromatography (HS–GC). As nitrogen-phosphorus detection (NPD) is more sensitive to hydrogen cyanide than mass spectrometry (MS), a Deans switch was used to switch the detectors during a single run. The separation provided by three analytical columns, PoraBOND Q, CP-Sil 5 CB, and HP-INNOWax, was investigated, and PoraBOND Q was selected. The use of HS–GC–MS/NPD with a Deans switch enabled the simple and simultaneous quantification of cyanide, ethanol, and 1-propanol. Eighteen other volatile compounds were detected in the SIM/scan mode of the MS. 相似文献
134.
卢芳华 《江南社会学院学报》2013,(1):76-80
斯瓦尔巴群岛又称斯匹次卑尔根群岛,是北极地区的重要岛屿。1920年的《斯匹次卑尔根群岛条约》改变了斯瓦尔巴群岛无主地的法律地位,将该岛主权赋予挪威,在群岛上确立了“主权确定,共同开发”的原则,但挪威对斯瓦尔巴群岛享有的“完全和绝对的”主权是在《斯匹次卑尔根群岛条约》规定限制下的有限主权,与传统国际法意义上主权的概念不尽相同。挪威以这种“有限”主权依据《联合国海洋法公约》规定享有专属经济区和大陆架,必将损害《斯匹次卑尔根群岛条约》设立的公平原则,未来对斯瓦尔巴群岛法律地位的争议还将长期存在。 相似文献
135.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):40-60
This article assesses European responses to the Arab uprisings and, in particular, the introduced change in the European Union policy toward its southern neighborhood. The presented analyses provide a profound scrutiny and assessment of the new version of the European Neighbourhood Policy, empirical evidence of persisting security considerations post-2011 in Euro–Arab relations, and a more elaborated vision of future Euro–Arab relations, attempting to balance between three considerations: security, democracy, and governance. 相似文献
136.
英国警察自由裁量权力运行受制于不同历史时期警察文化与法治意识的影响.如何限制警察自由裁量权问题,英国同样面临着诸多困局.20世纪中期以来,英国逐步开始了一系列改革与探索. 相似文献
137.
吕倞 《国家教育行政学院学报》2013,(9)
实行教师工薪个人所得税税收优惠政策不仅有利于提高教师待遇,也有利于形成全社会尊师重教的良好氛围。美国和英国在20世纪90年代,结合综合所得税制,提出了一系列针对教师的具体减免税政策和费用扣除标准,从而使教师适用更低的税率或者获得更多的退税,这对改善和提高我国教师待遇提供了良好借鉴。鉴于美英两国政府的个人所得税税收优惠法规已经形成了较为完善的税法体制,因此通过借鉴美国与英国关于教师工薪个人所得税税收优惠政策先进经验,并在此基础上提出适合我国国情的针对性建议,可以为我国教育行业吸引更多优秀人才长期从教、终身从教创造积极条件。 相似文献
138.
Stithorn Thananithichot 《Contemporary Politics》2012,18(1):87-108
The nature of citizen participation and engagement in public life in Thailand has changed dramatically over the last decade. This article focuses on explaining the changing pictures of political engagement – political interest, knowledge, and efficacy – among rural and urban Thai citizens since the House of Representatives election in 2001. The major attempt made in this article also to explain how these changes affect patterns of political activism (i.e. in voting, political contacting, and protesting activities), particularly between the rural and urban Thai voters. Relying on three latest survey data taken from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, the article suggests that the factors facilitating greater political participation are relatively different between rural and urban residents, and such differences cannot simply be explained as a result of a deeper engagement in the patron–client relationship of the rural than of the urban. Indeed, those differentiations depend on several factors and vary according to different kinds of political activity. 相似文献
139.
The final Digital Britain report was published in June as to set out the Government's final proposals and updating an interim version that has been published in January this year. This article builds upon an earlier article in [2009] 25 CLSR 263, which analysed the interim report in depth. The intention is not to repeat that earlier analysis, but rather update it and draw the reader's attention to those key areas of change. 相似文献
140.
Gabriël J. Botma 《Communicatio》2013,39(3):223-238
AbstractThe last few years have seen several attempts to strengthen press regulation in various parts of the world, while the difficulty of controlling online publication is arguably only increasing. In this article the focus is on recent suggestions for a new system of co-regulation of the press in South Africa, in order to see how online journalism is viewed and treated by regulators. In comparison, the article refers to suggestions in this regard by the Leveson Inquiry in Britain and two Australian press and media reviews. Reference is made to Flew and Swift (2013), who apply six main theories in three overlapping categories in debates on the role of journalism and its relationship to the state: fourth estate/market liberal; social responsibility/critical pluralist and dominant interest/radical. A literature review and a qualitative approach were used to identify and compare key debates in various reports from Australia, Britain and South Africa. While suggestions in Britain and Australia favoured an inclusive approach to the regulation of print and online journalism, the South African Press Freedom Commission rejected the idea, due to principle and practical objections. It also became clear that the key problem in the three countries lay in the inability to establish consensus between divergent perspectives on dominant interest and social responsibility, and the entrenched values of the fourth estate/market liberalism. 相似文献