Turkifying Poverty,or: the Phantom Pain of Izmir’s Lost Christian Working Class, 1924–26

This article shows that ‘Turkification’, a term widely used by historians of modern Turkey to refer to the forced transfer of property from Christian into Muslim hands, ought to be conceptualized not only in the sense of ‘enrichment’ but also, with regard to the working classes, as a process in which Muslim people inherited the poverty of their Christian predecessors. Taking ?zmir as a case in point, the article first describes the plight of the overwhelmingly Christian working class prior to 1922. It then studies reports and editorials that discussed the economic and social situation in ?zmir in the years 1923 to 1926, after the Turkish victory and forced migration of her Christian population. Over the course of these years, ?zmir experienced a serious economic crisis, and bread prices reached levels that led to widespread undernourishment and hunger among the city?s poor. Agricultural production was lagging behind pre-war levels, and positive effects of ‘Turkification? policies were failing to materialize. By analyzing the contemporary journalists? attempts at explaining the crisis, but also pointing out national and transnational factors that they were probably unaware of, the article makes an original contribution to the economic and social history of early republican Turkey.     

19世纪英国中产阶级性别角色分工观念探析

19世纪英国中产阶级的性别角色分工观念主要包括"两分领域"和"家庭天使"观,其形成有深刻的社会背景,对当时男性气质和女性气质的塑造、社会结构和社会关系有重要影响。     

Introduction: Meritocracy in Perspective. The Rise of the Meritocracy 60 Years On

Sixty years after its publication, Michael Young’s The Rise of the Meritocracy remains one of the most important texts for understanding the changing intellectual politics of postwar Britain. Young’s fictional vision of a meritocratic society explores the consequences of a society where each citizen is judged according to the formula ‘I.Q. + Effort = Merit’. The successful meritocrats hoard ever-greater rewards for themselves, crystallising into a rigid and repressive elite who rule over an increasingly powerless and depressed underclass. While the concept has evolved and adapted, the language of meritocracy is one of the great survivors of postwar British politics. In an age characterised by the rise of populist leaders and movements, as well as a backlash against educated ‘liberal elites’, revisiting, reinterpreting and re-evaluating Young’s influential satire and the central place the concept of meritocracy occupies in the history of postwar Britain has never been more important.     

Deconstructing the myth of the Tatar Yoke

Analysing and comparing the various conventional and revisionist narratives on what is known as the ‘Tatar Yoke’, this article aims to show that Western historiography has long been critical of the dominant negative view on the Tatar–Mongol rule over Russian principalities and that in Russia we find similar revisions in history – with some exceptions – only in post-Soviet times. This article aims to demonstrate how the revisionist views on the Tatar–Mongol rule contributed to the political and cultural transformation of contemporary Russia. In the part which analyses the revisionist discourse in Russia the emphasis lies on the new Tatar narrative. For Tatars the new interpretation of the Tatar–Mongol rule is of outstanding importance because it functions as a means to enhance Tatar national pride, and it contributes to Tatarstan's sovereignty project.     

The relative electoral impact of central party co-ordination and size of party membership at constituency level

Over the past decade, clear evidence has been produced showing that effective constituency campaigning in British general elections can lead to better electoral performance. This evidence has challenged the received wisdom that only national campaigning is significant and that efforts at local level are meaningless rituals. Denver et al. have focused on the role of the national parties in strengthening local campaigns in target seats; Seyd and Whiteley, by contrast, have stressed the importance of local party membership. This article attempts to assess the relative electoral impact of national party co-ordination and constituency party membership and suggests that the impact of these two factors varies by party.     

英国现代警察制度的产生、发展及其现行体制

现代警察制度起源于英国,它是长期社会政治斗争与工业革命的产物,是社会法治与理性的进步。英国现代警察制度的特点主要体现在:以地方自治为基础;中央通过财政支持和制定法律规范进行宏观控制;警察独立于其他行政权力,在工作中必须忠实于法律,只对法律负责。     

现代资本主义发展的外部环境

现代资本主义发展既需要一系列内部条件 ,也需要一个良好的外部环境 ,如果不能将两者的优势适当地结合起来 ,一个民族就不可能顺利地发展。发达资本主义国家的崛起史就是一部控制外部世界资源 ,尤其是控制海洋的历史。英国和美国在这样的争夺中获得了胜利 ,同时也使自己获得了广阔的发展空间。历史经验表明 ,获得这种空间以及世界竞争游戏规则的制定权对于一个国家的发展至关重要 ,但这种游戏规则不是由所有参与国 ,而是主要由大国制定的 ,所以 ,大国俱乐部逐步成为国际事务的操纵者 ,所谓的国际社会 ,其实只是大国俱乐部的代称 ,直到今天 ,“国际社会”的本质依然如此     

五六十年代党在社会主义建设问题上的艰难探索

自新中国成立以后,中共党内对建设问题的较大分歧,首次表现在1956年前后的冒进和反冒进问题上,进而在对当时我国形势的困难程度以及社会发展动力的认识上,又产生较大分歧,这对我国社会的发展产生了很大的影响.这一历史教训告诉我们要建设好社会主义国家,就必须坚持从实际出发,理论联系实际的马克思主义路线.     

大治安经略须善用一、二、三大智慧

一、二、三,等等,都是智慧的结晶;＂一点论＂、＂两点论＂与＂三点论＂,皆属颇有智慧的思维方式。＂一点论＂注重同一,＂两点论＂注重斗争,＂三点论＂注重和谐。大治安经略,须善用＂一点论＂、＂两点论＂与＂三点论＂等大智慧。兵不在多而在精,兵不在精而在用。能人点石成金,高手撒豆成兵,战场用兵的要旨在于据兵性而善用。大治安经略,须善用＂一点论＂,形成社会治安防控的一个系统;善用＂两点论＂,组织社会治安防控的猫鼠博弈;善用＂三点论＂,构建社会治安防控的三角和谐。     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.