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61.
本文就世界近代史上著名教育家夸美纽斯《大教学论》中的重述法进行专题研究,对重述法进行了解读,对其与贝尔-兰卡斯特制的关系进行了阐述,从总体上对其进行了评析,最后论述了其对今天思想政治教育课堂教育教学的启示。  相似文献   
62.
Political theorists have developed well‐defined normative understandings of what constitutes ethical political conduct. Based on democratic theory as well as the demands of practical politics, these understandings prescribe certain types of behaviour and proscribe other types. However, it is unclear to what extent this normative framework has resonance for ordinary citizens. This article demonstrates that attention to politics tends to increase the resonance of this normative framework. The analysis identifies three norms about the holding of public office that are expected to structure citizens' ethical judgments: the avoidance of conflicts of interest; conformity with the law or institutional rules; and the maximisation of the public good. The article assesses the importance of these norms in structuring judgments by means of an experiment embedded in a population survey conducted in Great Britain. The analysis finds that informational cues pertaining to conflict‐of‐interest avoidance only condition responses among the attentive, while information pertaining to law conformity has far wider resonance. This finding has implications for approaches to political ethics focusing on normative considerations that appear to have low salience for much of the general public.  相似文献   
63.
Gordon D. Cumming 《圆桌》2015,104(4):473-488
Abstract

International organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles.  相似文献   
64.
《大学》作为儒家经典著作之一,蕴含着丰富的廉洁思想,对当代大学生廉洁教育的开展具有指导意义和实践价值。《大学》中的"内圣"主要指内修向度的廉洁修身,是当代大学生廉洁教育的基本要求;"以义为利"的价值观念是大学生实现廉洁行为的关键,是内修与外行的桥梁;"外王"主要指外行向度的廉洁修身实践,是大学生实现廉洁行为的过程和路径。  相似文献   
65.
我国秦代有两项事关国家发展和民族安宁的伟大工程,即长城与灵渠。从文化特色上看,长城体现的是保守型的文化思维,而灵渠则借助运河的沟通,显示了中华文化的开拓性。这两项工程在两千多年的历史长河中,为推动中华文明的进步与繁荣均作出过卓越贡献。但是,今日之国人却多知有长城而鲜知有灵渠。不光是普通百姓对灵渠知之甚少,即便是理论界的一些专家学者能对灵渠做系统研究的也不多,故对其历史价值定位及文化开发,尚需进一步深入探讨并重新认识。  相似文献   
66.
本文对中东欧国家自1989年以来发生的后社会主义制度转型进行了理论和现实的阐释,考察了其历史特性,批驳了该地区已经在制度上成为完全成熟的市场经济体的论点,而认为中东欧国家在转型方面还有很长的路要走.文章强调,后社会主义市场转型进程不会呈直线型发展.在现实社会主义经济体的市场改革与后社会主义市场转型之间存在着巨大差异.只有在更加精确地确定目标,同时不是将制度转型当作是自我实现的目标的前提下,不同国家在不同程度上才会取得更好的转型绩效,否则会朝相反方向发展.  相似文献   
67.
Parliamentary attendance could be quite problematic before the advent of modern political parties. For more than a century after the Glorious Revolution both the English/British and Irish Houses of Commons sought to address this challenge by ordering the Serjeant at Arms to take into custody hundreds of absent Members of Parliament (MPs). The extraordinary expedient of turning parliament into a prison, albeit of the softest variety imaginable, did not solve the attendance problem. On the contrary, it became considerably worse after both Houses adopted new rules for adjudicating controverted elections in the late eighteenth century. Nevertheless, the willingness to employ this distasteful and rather ineffective weapon quickly dwindled. The last arrest order for unauthorized absence came in 1859, 112 years before the final occasion on which Westminster was forced to adjourn business for want of MPs.  相似文献   
68.
In Portugal the republican regime broke ties with the monarchy, advocating the need to reassume the national principle, as well as the secularization of its foundations and of the state itself. With the establishment of the new parliamentary republic in 1910 and the debate between republic and monarchy, the supporters of parliamentarianism saw a rupture in the composition and relationship between the powers foreseen in the constitutional charter of 1826, which gave more power to the king during the period of the constitutional monarchy. This made republicans grow closer to the constitution of the French Third Republic, the Brazilian constitution of 1891, the 1812 constitution of Cadiz and the 1822 Portuguese constitution, owing to the fact that these were radical liberal constitutions that conferred national sovereignty. The republicans put forward various arguments both to defame and to defend parliamentarianism. Nevertheless, as in the constitution of 1822, the republican constitution of 1911 stipulated that the congress (the Portuguese Parliament) would be, in theory, the only body that could regulate the political guidelines of the republic.  相似文献   
69.
中国传统大同思想是我国历史上重要的思想遗产和文化资源,是中国特色社会主义社会公正理论的重要的历史文化基础和理论思想溯源,其“天下为公”思想、“以民为本”思想、“平等均分”思想等很值得我们去继承和弘扬,并实现其超越和升华。  相似文献   
70.
泰国潮剧源于中国。20世纪二三十年代,伴随着现代化的进程,泰国潮剧逐渐本土化,并对中国潮剧产生一定的影响,成为海外潮剧的中心,对潮剧艺术的发展做出了巨大的贡献。同时,潮剧在泰国与中国之间的地理位移意味着这一特殊戏曲艺术在整体格局中的边缘与中心地位的互换,其后隐藏着特定的社会背景和历史渊源,给予人们深刻而独特的文化启示。  相似文献   
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