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201.
Mary Kay Gugerty 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(2):105-118
Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
202.
Selwyn Stanley 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(8):767-776
This study compared 75 wives of alcoholics with an equal number of wives of non-alcoholics matched on key socio-demographic
variables, using a cross sectional ex-post facto research design. Instruments to assess the extent of conflict and danger
perceived by them in their marital relationship, besides the communication apprehension experienced towards their partners
were administered. Analyses showed that the wives of alcoholics as a group had higher levels of conflict, perceived more danger
and experienced more apprehension in relating with their spouses, than the subjects of the reference group. Results indicate
the need to consciously focus on the spouse of the alcoholic and to help her resolve various marital issues with which she
is faced. Implications for therapeutic intervention with couples in alcohol complicated relationships to enable them overcome
their marital life deficits are discussed.
This study was funded by the University Grants Commission of India.
An erratum to this article can be found at 相似文献
203.
RICKARD LALANDER 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2010,29(4):505-521
To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements. 相似文献
204.
论我国现代远程网络教育存在的问题及对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着一个全新的网络教育时代的到来,我国现代网络教育的格局已露端倪。然而目前现代远程网络教育在我国的继续发展和推广,却不断遭遇瓶颈。现代远程网络教育的本质特征在赋予网络教育时代优势的同时,也造成了现代远程网络教育的先天不足。因此,发展我国的现代远程网络教育根本思路,在于找到适合我国国情、适合自身特点的发展道路。 相似文献
205.
冲突正义与实质正义间的冲突及衡平 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
法律旨在创设一种正义的秩序,法律与正义相伴随,同样,作为法律体系组成部分的冲突法与正义也是一种须臾不可分离的关系。冲突法并非仅仅追求冲突正义而不关注实质正义。其实,冲突正义与实质正义的关系也并不是相互抵触的,其所追求和实现的价值目标可谓是殊途同归。而且,尽管在20世纪末以前传统的冲突正义仍然保持其主导地位,但随后实质正义已经明显地渗透到冲突正义的思想之中,因而呈现出了冲突正义向实质正义的嬗变和发展之趋势。但是这一趋势并不表明传统的冲突法规则因为要追求实质正义而被舍弃,其价值至今仍然不能被完全否定,且冲突正义与实质正义之间的冲突也是完全可以得到衡平的。 相似文献
206.
婚姻是对性的某种束缚,配偶权与性自主权之间存在固有的张力和冲突。平衡配偶权与个人性权利的关系,不仅要考虑到个体的自由,也需要捍卫婚姻的合理价值。为此,强化配偶间的忠实义务、同居义务的同时,对非婚性行为、婚外性行为适度宽容和规范,改革离婚法,以促进个体的性权利的实现。 相似文献
207.
208.
MATTHEW FLINDERS 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(1):57-73
The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination. 相似文献
209.
Keith Brough 《Family Court Review》2008,46(2):409-424
Current state law creates the risk that, if sex education is not provided to a child in public school, no similar instruction will be given to the child. Legislatively enacted opt‐out provisions give parents broad control over their child's education by granting them the option to have their child excused from any sex education requirements within a public school's curriculum. Through public school sex education, professionals provide youth information aimed at protecting them from the dangers of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). A stricter statutory opt‐out provision should be enacted by state legislatures that only allows parents to excuse their child from sex education after a parent attends a 90‐minute STD prevention course and receives the instructional material used in the school's sex education curriculum. Parents should be provided up‐to‐date information and a structural framework designed by the school to encourage them to discuss with their child the many sexual issues addressed within a school's sex education curriculum. 相似文献
210.
Corey Stoughton 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(3):416-421
This article examines the Counter‐Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and how this new piece of legislation undermines fundamental human rights, including those protected in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). It considers in particular how the new act criminalises behaviour with a wide sweep, to include behaviour that is not in itself criminal, but might be indicative of future criminal intent. As a result, the act restricts the right to freedom of speech and to liberty in a manner that is neither necessary nor proportionate. 相似文献