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991.
On November 6, 2014, the AFCC Board of Directors endorsed the Association for Conflict Resolution (ACR) Guidelines for Eldercaring Coordination, including ethical principles for Eldercaring Coordinators, training protocols, and court pilot project template. The collaboration between Task Forces created by ACR and the Florida Chapter of AFCC, composed of twenty U.S./Canadian and twenty Florida‐wide organizations, produced both an overarching guide to assist in the development of programs and a more detailed model addressing state/province‐specific needs and characteristics. Eldercaring coordination is a dispute resolution option specifically for high‐conflict cases involving the care, needs, and safety of elders.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community:
- There are currently no dispute resolution options for parties involved in high‐conflict cases regarding the care, needs, and safety of an elder.
- The ACR Guidelines for Eldercaring Coordination address the discrepancies between dispute resolution options available for parents in conflict regarding their minor children and mature families with unresolved concerns about the care, needs, and safety of an elder.
- The ACR Guidelines for Eldercaring Coordination provide information regarding the ethical practice of eldercaring coordination including a specific definition, recommended qualifications, ethical practices, grievance procedures, training protocols, and a court pilot project template.
- The practice of eldercaring coordination will address the influx of court cases expected as baby boomers continue to age, reducing delays in court hearings, as parties will have the opportunity to resolve their concerns without continuous court attention.
- As of June 2015, five states began Pilot Projects on Eldercaring Coordination, which will be studied by an independent research group to enhance the progress of the process and to develop the best practices for initiating the programs elsewhere.
992.
Christine A. Coates 《Family Court Review》2015,53(3):398-406
Parenting coordinators serve as case managers in high‐conflict families with the goal of protecting the children from parental conflict. Parenting coordinators are peacemakers and peacebuilders who identify and help set up structures in the family to support peace between the parents. The family court should promote and develop equipoise in litigants and professionals. Because parents who continue in conflict postdecree often have difficulty empathizing with their co‐parents and with their children, they might benefit from meditation training to increase mindfulness, empathy, and compassion. Self‐compassion training could also increase well‐being and more effective co‐parenting and aid in building peace in the family.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community:
- Parenting coordination is a child‐focused intervention with high‐conflict parents that can help protect children from their parents' conflict.
- Parenting coordinators are peacemakers who resolve disputes between the parents and facilitate negotiation and communication between them and help them make decisions.
- Parenting coordinators are also peacebuilders who help identify and build structures and processes in the family system to strengthen interparental peace.
- Equipoise can be developed in litigants and professionals through mindfulness and compassion training.
- Family court judges can work with parenting coordinators in a team approach, in a manner similar to what occurs in problem‐solving courts, to benefit the families and the judicial system.
993.
三权分立能实现权力制衡是分权理论标榜的基本价值。对于三权分立能否实现制衡,可以从理论到历史去分析。从理论上讲,由于三权分立的边界是由宪法划分的,三权划分需要明确的宪法条文标准,而宪法文本的不确定性使之成为难题,按照分权理论的逻辑,分权也可能导致专制的出现,这是三权分立理论的悖论,另外,在历史的实践当中,也没有出现过分权理论所期望的三权制衡,三权分立和议行合一都是权力配置的手段,仅是国家权力的组织形式,关键是看那种形式更能实现社会各种利益的平衡。 相似文献
994.
In this article we document women's experiences of post‐release survival and death in Victoria, Australia. In particular, we map the interrelated impacts of trauma, criminalisation, institutionalisation and imprisonment. We build upon the existing post‐release mortality research, which has focused on quantifying and describing death, and provide a critical account of survival through the lens of women's experiences. Critically, we challenge the assumption that there is a distinction between survival and death, as many participants reported near‐death experiences occurring in a range of contexts. Ultimately we highlight the need to attend to these contexts in order to advance depth of understanding regarding the structural nature of post‐release disadvantage and survival. 相似文献
995.
996.
Shula Gilad 《Negotiation Journal》2014,30(2):131-156
Using the 2005 unilateral Israeli withdrawal from Gaza as a case study, this article exposes an apparent paradox: circumstances may exist in which an outcome that serves the interests of parties to a conflict cannot be achieved through bilateral negotiation but can be achieved by unilateral action. Although the withdrawal was seen at the time as serving the interests of both the Israeli government and the Palestinians, we argue that the same result could not have been achieved through bilateral negotiations. “Behind‐the‐table” internal conflicts on each side would have made it impossible for the leaders to agree on the scope of these negotiations. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's success in implementing his Gaza withdrawal was attributable in significant measure to his ability to maintain ambiguity about his long‐run plans for the West Bank. Only by focusing attention on Gaza was he able to build the necessary coalition to implement the controversial move. The Palestinian leaders, on the other hand, could never have agreed to come to the table to negotiate about Gaza alone — they would have insisted that the scope of any negotiations address a broad range of final status issues. In this article, we identify some of the lessons that the Gaza example teaches regarding the utility and limits of unilateralism as well as the benefits and potential costs of employing ambiguity as a strategy to help accomplish a controversial move. Finally, we also explore the aftermath of the withdrawal and its many missed opportunities for improving the outcome. We suggest that, even when acting unilaterally, leaders should carefully consider the probable impact of their actions on the internal conflicts of their adversaries. 相似文献
997.
Mikyoung Kim 《Asian Politics & Policy》2014,6(1):83-96
Current paradigms of human rights and reconciliation call for democratization of memories, with former victims interjecting their interpretations of the past, challenging the versions recollected by the powerful. The trajectory of comfort women issues has implications not only for the Japanese democracy, but also for Korea. The shifts in memory are about respect for human rights and the beginning of a reconciliatory journey between former adversaries. Reconciliation involves multiple stages of self‐reflexivity, acknowledgement, redistributive justice, corrective mechanisms, and a final movement of forgiving. In order to transcend the counterproductive blame games, memory, human rights, and reconciliation need to be interwoven. The rising global awareness of human rights helps to highlight the accountability of the individual, once largely overshadowed by groups, with political leaders, and nation‐states. Memories are no longer confined within national borders. As the comfort women monuments in Korea and the United States suggest, they become increasingly transnational and even global. 相似文献
998.
Martin Painter 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(2):273-286
Corruption is widely identified as a critical problem for developing economies and is also viewed as a priority issue by international organisations and donors. Governments such as Vietnam place anti‐corruption high on their policy agenda. However, external observers regularly criticise them for not meeting their targets. The problem with the critique is that it mostly places the blame on implementation failures when the issue is as much a design failure. Templates for anti‐corruption success in fact misread the practical lessons. One element of the standard template, the need for an ‘independent’ anti‐corruption enforcement system, misreads the meaning and empirical reality of ‘independence’. Evidence is presented from Singapore, Hong Kong and Indonesia to show that their anti‐corruption agencies are ‘independent’ more in the sense that they are powerful, rather than in the sense that they are apolitical. The lesson for Vietnam is that misleading design principles such as ‘political independence’ are a distraction from the task of strengthening the anti‐corruption law enforcement system. 相似文献
999.
Timothy S. Rich 《Asian Politics & Policy》2014,6(3):455-469
What motivates split‐ticket voting in mixed electoral systems? These systems allocate seats in single‐member districts (SMDs) and by proportional representation (PR) to the same legislative house and have proliferated in Asia as well as globally. Using public opinion data from South Korea's 2012 National Assembly election, this article identifies that supporters of smaller parties are more likely to split their tickets. This is consistent with the “best of both worlds” thesis that presumes two‐party competition in SMDs and multiparty competition under PR. The results suggest that despite scholarly claims of an Asian divergence in electoral outputs, the South Korean case appears consistent with theoretical expectations from outside the region. 相似文献
1000.
Ralph W. Huenemann 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(1):251-256
The time has come (is arguably long overdue) to develop a new basis for the World Bank's work in China. For nearly two decades, the Bank and China have been engaged in a mutual game of ‘let's pretend’, because the annual increments to China's foreign exchange reserves have been larger than the Bank's annual loans to China since about 1994. Now China's national income per capita measured on the purchasing power parity basis is rapidly approaching the high‐income level at which China will ‘graduate’ (receive no further World Bank loans). In this context, two alternatives may usefully be discussed. First possibility: shift the qualification for Bank lending from national units to subunits like provinces. Second possibility: continue the Bank's analytical and advisory activities even after the lending ceases. 相似文献