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11.
追求判决一致是冲突法的古典抱负,传统反致之创设即服务于此一功效。拉塞尔开创双重反致先例之时并未释明其动机与理由。两种正相反对的解释路向彼此既不能证伪复又和谐兼容于双重反致,这表明应从第三维度即回归冲突法寻求判决一致之古典使命来解读其伦理取向。双重反致的生命力在于其能够为只能实现判决相对一致的传统反致所不能担保的判决绝对一致之目标提供绝对保证,精确致达冲突法之意向。判决一致本身不体现伦理深度,其实现方式才体现伦理深度。传统反致的相对性在于他律,双重反致的绝对性则得益于自律。立足于自律之上的双重反致移情换位于外国法院之立场,散发出为他人的伦理暗香。为他人的脆弱性及其可能走向的为难他人的背反结局使其危机再现。对我意识的终极溯源揭示了他人就是上帝的本体论结构,逃脱上帝的不可能性是对为他人伦理及作为其技术表达的双重反致之伦理困境及伦理密码的辩证破解。 相似文献
12.
作为对外部挑战与内部情势的司法回应,晚清修律和司法改革运动首先意味着司法理念与司法原则的历史性转变,进而标志着一种区别于传统司法文明价值系统的近代型司法文明价值系统的应运而生,展示了从传统走向现代的司法文明进步成长的历史图景。这场司法变革运动的启动性举措,乃是删除最重之法,推行恤刑庶狱,彰显了司法人道主义的价值取向,从而为编订《大清现行刑律》和《大清新刑律》奠定了重要基础,在近代中国法律与司法发展进程中产生了深远影响。 相似文献
13.
Jeffrey J. Harden Justin H. Kirkland Patrick E. Shea 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2021,46(1):189-218
Open governance requirements are designed to improve accountability, which implies that transparent governments are more trustworthy stewards of their publicly invested power. However, transparency may also reduce institutional effectiveness and inhibit political compromise, diminishing the capacity to manage resources responsibly. We assess empirical support for these competing perspectives in the context of American state legislatures, many of which have become exempt from state sunshine laws in recent decades. We leverage variation in the timing of these legislative exemptions to identify the effect of removing transparency in a crucial governing institution on investors’ risk perceptions of states’ general obligation bonds. Our analysis of these data during the period 1995–2010 suggests that removing legislative transparency reduces state credit risk. We conclude that while openness in government may be normatively desirable, shielding legislative proceedings from public view may actually be better for states’ debt repayment capacity, improving their overall fiscal health. 相似文献
14.
报告从宏观层面对2020年香港经济形势进行了分析,对2021年香港经济发展前景做了展望,对香港经济中期发展面临的风险和机遇进行了研判,并提出了一些对策和建议。分析表明,香港经济在2020年陷入深度衰退,在2021年将迎来复苏,复苏程度取决于疫情防控状况。香港经济未来几年的发展风险与机遇并存:一方面,中美竞争加剧、社会贫富差距加大、政府财政赤字持续等是不利因素;另一方面,我国"十四五"规划的出台和粤港澳大湾区建设的深入推进将帮助香港进一步融入国家发展大局,获得更广阔的发展空间。 相似文献
15.
张贤 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2007,16(1):68-70
我国内地虽然在立法上对检察官负有客观义务有一定的体现,但在实践中落实得很不理想。通过对内地和港台地区的检察官客观义务进行比较,可以找出内地在此方面存在的立法和司法上的问题,进而有针对性地进行完善。 相似文献
16.
Steven Parfitt 《Labor History》2017,58(3):288-302
The rise of global and transnational labour history has revolutionised the study of working-class movements and individuals and the global forces that shaped them. Some of the more mundane considerations of these movements, however, have so far been neglected in this rapidly growing field. One of the most important of these considerations was money, or in other words the financial affairs of transnational movements such as trade unions and political parties. This article is a call to write the financial side of global labour history. It focuses on a global working-class movement that is itself often neglected in the historical literature, the Knights of Labor, and their outposts in Britain and Ireland. It examines the history of the British and Irish Knights through the prism of their financial history, so far as we can reconstruct it from the scanty sources that are available. This article argues that their financial ties with the United States and a series of embezzlement cases became major causes of their decline and, ultimately, their dissolution. Finally, this article draws conclusions from the financial misadventures of the British and Irish Knights of Labor that are relevant to the study of other international working-class movements and to the writing of global labour history in general. 相似文献
17.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):606-625
ABSTRACTThis article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s. 相似文献
18.
Jermain T.M. Lam 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(S1):S73-S83
This article assesses the practice of political accountability in Hong Kong: whether it has largely been realised in practice, or whether it is merely a political slogan for the government to justify its executive-led governance. The analysis begins with a review of the theoretical concepts of political accountability and ministerial accountability, and then establishes an operational framework to analyse the current practice of political accountability in Hong Kong's political system. It concludes by addressing the degree of political accountability overall. 相似文献
19.
香港与内地仲裁裁决司法审查制度的借鉴和融合 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
通过对香港和内地在仲裁裁决司法审查范围、标准和技术方面的综合分析,本文认为两地在司法制度、法治发展和仲裁理念上的较大差异导致了两地在对待仲裁裁决司法审查上之截然不同。重要的是,香港法院对仲裁的支持态度及其具体审查操作的先进经验,可为内地在这一领域的改革提供重要指引。《香港与内地关于相互执行仲裁裁决的安排》实施近十年来,已逐渐出现两地仲裁界和司法界在审查制度面向上的趋同。惠于"一国两制"和"更密切经贸关系"的大背景,相信两地间商事仲裁的融合会更加蓬勃发展,为中国跨境商事活动提供更好的争端解决服务。 相似文献
20.
“九七”前后香港政党政治发展分析 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
周建华 《广东行政学院学报》2005,17(2):90-93
在20世纪80年代前,由于英国对香港实施殖民地式统治,香港并没有类似西方国家盛行的民主政治,因此没有政党政治的存在。80年代以后,随着代议政制的推行,香港出现了政党政治。"九七"香港回归后,"一国两制"为香港的政党政治的发展提供了更大的政治空间,使香港的政党政治发展逐步趋向成熟。 相似文献