Abstract Heterogeneity hinders our understanding of sexual violence; but does this problem extend to stranger rape and, if so, would the construction of homogeneous subtypes advance our understanding of this crime and aid criminal investigations and clinical practice? To answer these questions, 41 stranger rapists from the English high security hospitals were examined using version 3 of the Massachusetts Treatment Centre rapist typology (MTC:R3) and multidimensional scaling (MDS). The MTC:R3 suggested that sexual desire and opportunism were the primary motivations for these men, but that proportionately more psychopaths were violent and sadistic. In accordance with previous research, the men experienced problematic childhoods and displayed high rates of criminality and psychiatric morbidity in adulthood. However, MDS found that rapist histories and offence behaviours generally divide into sexual and violent themes. These results have important implications for theory, criminal investigations and clinical practice. 相似文献
Abstract It is not news that polls and other forms of marketing research are regularly employed to craft political strategy. What is new is that the 2000 U.S. election represented a turning point where political marketing research seems to take center stage. The print and broadcast media employed polls and other forms of research at levels far beyond anything ever seen before. At times, it appeared as if almost as much attention was being given to polls as was being given to the political candidates and the issues. This was clearly a new and important posturing of the role of political marketing research. With this as a backdrop, the current article compares polls and other forms of political research-focusing on what went wrong and what was right in terms of the use of polls, focus groups and Internet research during the 2000 U.S. election. The article ends with the presentation of some exploratory research that examines insights about respondents' opinions regarding the impact of political polls. 相似文献
Abstract The 2000 Presidential election was one of the longest, most expensive and closest in American history. It was the Presidential election that exposed the flaws (or genius) of the electoral college system, demonstrated the imperfections of media dependency on exit polls and quick election calling, and showed how a third party candidate with just two percent of the popular vote could make the difference in the crucial state of Florida. Democrats lost states they should have won; Republicans lost every big city and most of their suburbs; and the Florida election came down to a five-to-four muddled decision by the Supreme Court. Americans collectively learned a great civics lesson: that even in a bitter, controversial contest, our candidates accept defeat graciously; the simple act of voting is not so simple; and that for all its shortcomings, the electoral college did work. 相似文献
Abstract The notion of legitimacy in international peacebuilding is an assumed one; there is an expectation that the formal, Weberian state institutions advanced therein will automatically be condoned by those in whose name they are delivered. But such bodies have, since at least colonial times, been suspect in many postconflict spaces and have routinely been ignored, resisted and bypassed when their local propriety does not reflect social preferences, and the empirical evidence does not suggest this pattern has stopped. The persistence of this null legitimacy derives from the exclusionary nature of liberal interventionism, which neither seeks local knowledge from which to design institutions nor considers their requirements important in relation to popular legitimacy. This article uses survey data drawn from Southern Sudan to discuss how legitimacy is seen from within and what it might look like. 相似文献
In this paper, we test the argument that the sizeable reduction in aggregate aid levels in the 1990s was due to the end of the Cold War. We test two different models using a dynamic econometric specification on a panel of 17 donor countries, spanning the years 1970–97. We find aid to be positively related to military expenditures in the former Eastern Bloc during the Cold War, but not in the 1990s, suggesting that the reductions in aid disbursements are driven by the disappearance of an important motive for aid. We also study the effect on aid allocation, but here we do not find any robust effects of the end of the Cold War. 相似文献
In July 2000, the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) lost the presidency of Mexico after 71 years of continuous rule. Research based on individual data obtained with surveys shows that important media effects occurred. Using aggregate data, in this article the author explores the effects of political advertising and media coverage on preferences during the Mexican presidential campaign. Data on voter preferences are taken from results of a trial ballot question in public opinion polls. Data on advertising are measured in gross rating points. Data on media coverage are taken from the monitoring of newscasts on the two major networks. OLS regression models are developed, with preferences as the dependent variable and campaigning differentials as the independent variables. Based on aggregate data, this research shows that in Mexico's 2000 presidential campaign, exposure to political communication led to persuasion, and news appears to have been more important than ads. Political communication was a unified process where ads and news presence acted together in a very interesting fashion, “bounding” each other in periods of major changes in preferences but with news effects prevailing over ads. Qualified news differentials accounted for 20% of the variance in preferences, and ad differentials accounted for 8%. This media effect occurred through a cumulative process where ads and news coverage acted together. 相似文献
Non-governmental organisations face increasing demands to be accountable and transparent. Both need sound and timely evidence. Ensuring that these demands are satisfied is a key responsibility of governance, but fulfilling this requirement is a frequent weakness. A comprehensive approach to self-analysis – known as GATE – can make governing bodies more effective by better leadership of organisational responses to such demands. GATE works by: (1) making common sense connections to visualise the links between internal operations and generation of results, reputation, and resources, which makes complexity understandable and manageable; and (2) using a question-based ‘alignment’ resource to guide discussion and decision-making.
Améliorer la gouvernance des ONG: les applications pratiques de l'approche GATE
Les organisations non gouvernementales sont soumises à des exigences croissantes de redevabilité et de transparence. L'une et l'autre nécessitent des données concrètes solides et opportunes. Les efforts pour faire en sorte que ces exigences soient satisfaites constituent une responsabilité clé de la gouvernance, mais la satisfaction de cette exigence représente un point faible fréquent. Une approche complète de l'auto-analyse – connue sous l'acronyme GATE - peut rendre les organes responsables plus efficaces en dirigeant plus efficacement les réactions organisationnelles à ces exigences. GATE fonctionne : (1) en établissant des connexions sensées pour visualiser les liens entre les opérations internes et la génération de résultats, la réputation et les ressources, ce qui rend la complexité compréhensible et gérable ; et (2) en utilisant une ressource d’« alignement » basée sur des questions pour orienter la discussion et la prise de décisions.
Mejorar la gobernanza de las ONG: las aplicaciones prácticas del enfoque GATE
Cada vez más frecuentemente, las organizaciones no gubernamentales enfrentan demandas vinculadas a su rendición de cuentas y a su transparencia. Ambos aspectos requieren de información fidedigna y oportuna. Cumplir con estas demandas representa un aspecto importante de la gestión de las organizaciones. Sin embargo, a menudo, éstas presentan debilidades en este sentido. El presente artículo, hace referencia a la implementación de una metodología integral para el autoanálisis, conocida como GATE. La misma propicia el aumento en la eficacia de la gestión de estas organizaciones, mediante un mejor liderazgo a la hora de responder a estas demandas. GATE funciona: (1) generando vinculaciones de sentido común que permiten visualizar las conexiones entre la gestión interna y la generación de resultados, la reputación y los recursos, ante lo cual, lo complejo se vuelve comprensible y más manejable; y (2) utilizando un recurso de “alineamiento”, basado en preguntas, que orienta la discusión y la toma de decisiones.
Melhorar a ONG governança: aplicações práticas da abordagem GATE
Organizações Não-Governamentais enfrentam exigências cada vez maiores para serem responsáveis e transparentes. Para ambas exigências, são necessárias evidências confiáveis e oportunas. Garantir que estas exigências sejam satisfeitas é uma responsabilidade-chave de governança, mas cumprir esta exigência é frequentemente difícil. Uma abordagem abrangente para auto-análise – conhecida como GATE – pode tornar os órgãos governantes mais efetivos através de uma melhor coordenação de respostas organizacionais para tais demandas. A GATE trabalha: (1) fazendo conexões de senso comum para visualizar as ligações entre operações internas e geração de resultados, reputação e recursos, o que torna a complexidade compreensível e gerenciável e (2) utilizando um recurso de “alinhamento” baseado em questões para orientar a discussão e a tomada de decisões. 相似文献