增强型计算机取证程序模式的构建

近年来,计算机犯罪呈持续增长势头,但由于缺乏证据证明,只有不到百分之二的此类案件的犯罪分子受到法律制裁,这说明证据获取的关键阶段——计算机取证工作存在漏洞。计算机取证程序是计算机取证的核心,忽略或"交换"任何一个步骤都会影响取证工作的完整性,导致错误结论的产生。同样,不合理或不充分的计算机取证活动将会造成无罪之人蒙冤、有罪之人逍遥法外等恶果。我们分析了现有几种计算机取证程序模式及其所存在的缺陷,并以集中型计算机取证程序模式为基础,提出了一种新型的计算机取证程序模式——增强型计算机侦查取证模式,以期对以计算机取证程序的规范化有所裨益。     

调肝益肾汤、帕罗西汀单用和联用治疗早泄临床观察

目的观察单用帕罗西汀、调肝益肾汤及帕罗西汀联合调肝益肾汤治疗早泄的临床疗效。方法将96例早泄患者随机分为帕罗西汀组、调肝益肾汤组、中西医结合组,每组32例。帕罗西汀组予以帕罗西汀,每次20mg,口服,每晚1次;调肝益肾汤组予以中药调肝益肾汤口服,每日1剂,早晚分服;中西医结合组联合服用帕罗西汀与中药调肝益肾汤。3组疗程均为8周,比较3组患者治疗前后及停药10周末阴道内射精潜伏时间(intravaginal ejaculatory latency time,IELT)、中国早泄患者性功能指数(Chinese index of sexual function for premature ejaculation,CIPE)及不良反应。结果治疗后及停药10周末,3组患者IELT均较治疗前明显延长(P<0.05),CIPE评分及各条目评分均较治疗前明显升高(P<0.05);与帕罗西汀组、调肝益肾汤组比较,治疗后及停药10周末中西医结合组患者IELT明显延长(P<0.05),CIPE评分及各条目评分明显升高(P<0.05)。停药10周末,调肝益肾汤IELT显著大于帕罗西汀组(P<0.05),而CIPE评分及各条目评分与帕罗西汀组比较,差异均无统计学意义(P>0.05)。3组不良反应发生率比较,差异无统计学差异(P>0.05)。结论调肝益肾汤联合帕罗西汀治疗早泄的短期疗效和长期疗效较好,不良反应少。单用调肝益肾汤因其较好的安全性及长期疗效,亦有一定的临床应用价值。     

责任阻却性紧急避险的厘清与适用——以受虐妇女杀夫案为视角

目前我国司法实践在处理受虐妇女杀夫案时直接进入量刑阶段,忽视了适用出罪事由实现无罪的可能性。在此类案件中,虽然因不存在"正在进行"的不法侵害而不能适用正当防卫,但针对危险引发者的防卫行为则可以运用其他紧急权资源。受虐妇女因无法忍受家庭暴力而杀害丈夫的行为,构成防御性紧急避险。然而紧急避险的正当化根据,不应采取功利主义的法益权衡说,而应采取社会团结义务说。即仅在理性人自愿负担的社会团结义务的限度以内才能成立违法阻却事由,因侵害生命的避险行为超出了社会团结义务的限度而无法得以正当化,但可能成立以无期待可能性为基础的责任阻却性紧急避险,这与我国《刑法》第21条的规定并不矛盾。     

法治一体建设地方试验型模式研究

我国法治建设实践样本观察显示,一种自下而上与自上而下相结合、坚持党的领导和坚持以人民为中心辨证统一的地方试验型法治一体建设模式已初步生成。地方试验、中央认可、稳步推广和法治固化是其运作的基本逻辑,分别构成了这一模式的基础、关键、重心和归宿。只有从法律规范层面健全正向激励和反向豁免机制,才能激活地方创新试验动能,助推法治一体建设快速生长。科学的法治建设试验评估指标体系的构建,有助于地方创新试验获得中央认可进而形成固化的法律制度,助推法治一体建设良性生长。对中国特色地方试验型法治一体建设模式内在机理的法理阐释和实践观照,能够进一步证成我国法治建设的自主型进路。     

坚持党的最低纲领和最高纲领的统一

马克思、恩格斯在《共产党党宣言》中提出无产阶级革命必须分为最近目的和最高目的。中国共产党在党的二大明确指出,党的最低纲领和最高纲领必须相统一。毛泽东同志将马列主义的基本原理和中国革命的实际相结合,论述了党的最低纲领和最高纲领的关系。在改革开放的新的历史时期,邓小平同志将党的最低纲领和最高纲领相统一,创立了建设有中国特色的社会主义理论。江泽民总书记在庆祝中国共产党成立八十周年大会上的讲话,系统地论述了现阶段党的基本纲领和最高纲领的关系。     

A Cross-Cultural Assessment of Posttrauma Reactions Among Malaysian and US Women Reporting Partner Abuse

Information on partner abuse in women from non-Western cultures and resulting psychological morbidity are scant. The present study examined these issues among women who experienced partner violence and sought refuge at a domestic violence shelter in Malaysia. These women completed a semi-structured interview and standardized measures to assess posttrauma morbidity. Responses by Malaysian shelter residents were compared with a sample of US women who also reported partner violence. The majority of women in both samples reported severe levels of distress and met criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). These findings suggest that psychological problems that women face after partner abuse may be similar in many respects, despite political, geographical, or cultural differences.     

家庭暴力受害经历与青少年犯罪之间的因果关系研究

家庭暴力与青少年犯罪作为共存于家庭和社会的两大问题,两者之间存在着密切的联系。本文以多维的视角,揭示了家庭暴力受害经历与青少年犯罪之间的因果关系,并提出了在干预家庭暴力视野下的青少年犯罪预防策略。     

Governing Domestic Worker Migration in Southeast Asia: Public–Private Partnerships,Regulatory Grey Zones and the Household

ABSTRACT

Focussing on the example of domestic worker migration, this article seeks to explore the regulatory regimes that control the flow of migrants across Southeast Asia. Although at first glance this appears to be a deeply statist regime, the aim of this article is to complicate this picture and to look at the role that private power and authority places in shaping migration governance. The article focusses on three interrelated issues: (i) how states have increasingly come to regulate migration via partnership arrangements with private sector actors; (ii) how these partnership arrangements are emblematic of broader processes of state transformation that take shape within the complex governance practices surrounding domestic worker migration in Southeast Asia; (iii) how a focus on the micro-processes of domestic worker governance (that is, how migrant worker bodies are constructed and disciplined) also highlights the significance of private actors in this aspect of governance.     

From benevolent maternalism to the market logic: exploring discursive boundary making in domestic work relations in India

Framed within a discussion of boundary work and its many facets, this article develops a critical understanding of the discourses that shape the material and symbolic hierarchies of power asserted by employers of domestic workers in Indian households. We analyze the nature of discourses that are mobilized in the boundary work practiced by different groups of employers in India as they negotiate their relationships with their domestic workers. Drawing on fieldwork in Mumbai and Chennai, our analysis outlines two different discourses within the nature of boundary work – one centered on the trope of benevolent maternalism and another which mobilizes a market-based trope – and delineate how these diverge and converge in the relationship between employers and domestic workers. We also show how these discourses differ according to two key factors: on the one hand, whether the employers hire full-time or part-time workers, and on the other hand, the specific positional attributes of the employers in terms of age, occupation, and family background. We argue that these two discursive categories are not watertight compartments, but are located on a spectrum, and that employers therefore exhibit elements of both maternalism and market-based approaches within the relationship with their workers.     

The effects of the electoral calendar on terrorist attacks

The goal of this paper is to study the linkages between the timing of terrorist events and elections. As strategic actors terrorists may respond to electoral environments by altering the frequency of their attacks around election times. Focusing on democracies, we examine variations in transnational and domestic terrorist incidents before elections over a 40 year span. We find distinct pre-electoral changes in the incidence of terrorist events. In the ITERATE data set, where only transnational terrorist events are included, terrorist activities decline in election months, while in the partitioned GTD data set, where only domestic terrorist events are kept, terrorist activities rise in election months. The findings suggest electoral calendars can dissuade and attract terrorist threats, depending on the origin of the threat, but these effects occur only very close to election time.