Solidarity and Social Networks: The Invisible Backbone That Ethiopians and Eritreans in Washington D.C. used to Transform Adams Morgan and U Street

Abstract

This research depicts the social networks that the Ethiopian and Eritrean communities use to establish and support ethnic and non-cultural businesses in Washington D.C. It also showcases the solidarity expressions that, behind-the-scenes, sustain and help strengthen these migrant-led businesses in the area. Furthermore, it describes the opportunity structure found in Washington D.C. that has allowed Ethiopians and Eritreans to open businesses and progress in neighborhoods such as Adams Morgan and U Street. The study uses ethnographic research comprised of participant observation and in-depth interviews to analyze 20 case studies of successful Ethiopian and Eritrean entrepreneurs in D.C. This paper describes the characteristics of an immigrant community that is underrepresented in the literature, especially regarding its entrepreneurship; it underscores the special role that family and kin play in supporting their entrepreneurship; and it makes visible the impact that Ethiopians and Eritreans have had in some areas of Washington D.C.     

British Campaigns for Solidarity with Argentina and Chile

The Chile solidarity movement persuaded British Labour governments (1974–1979) to introduce a range of measures against the Pinochet regime. But campaigners lobbying against the Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983) had less impact on policy. Neither these Labour governments nor the subsequent Conservative government imposed any sanction on the Argentine dictatorship, until the invasion of the Falkland Islands. This article explores why in Britain – and Europe – the Chile campaign had greater public appeal than the Argentina solidarity campaigns. It identifies a number of common factors across Europe which explain why the anti-Pinochet cause generated more support than the Argentina campaign.     

涂尔干“社会团结”思想解读——读《社会分工论》

涂尔干的《社会分工论》创作于西方国家从前现代社会到现代社会的转型期,其思想对于当代中国的社会转型来说,或多或少地可以作为借鉴。社会团结及其两种类型是该书的主线,作品深入讨论社会团结的类型特征、历史转变和社会团结的精神基础、法律保障及其威胁因素,展示出涂尔干对社会整合与和谐的终极学术关怀,这对当前我国社会转型和发展具有一定的指导作用。     

Accounting for Future Generations: Intergenerational Equity in Australia1

Australian governments have published three intergenerational reports since 2002. In line with a general international trend these reports pointed to a problem said to arise from an ageing population which exposes Australia to the risk of a future major fiscal crisis. In this article we argue that by failing to use a generational accounting framework, the reports privilege the elderly at the expense of young people. Added to this, they fail to engage any discussion of intergenerational equity defined as distributive fairness and justice. In this article we explore the value of various approaches to intergenerational justice, focusing on the Principle of Intergenerational Neutrality derived from Rawls' theory of justice. We argue that this does not work as well from a policy point of view as Sen's freedom‐as‐capabilities approach. We conclude that linking Sen's approach to justice to a generational accounting will enable governments to address future issues of equity.     

The Emergence of a Global Civil Society: The Case of Anti-Apartheid

Abstract

This article argues that the transnational anti-apartheid movement which, from a global perspective, must be seen as one of the most significant social movements during the post-war era, made an important contribution to the emergence and consolidation of a global civil society during this period. The transnational anti-apartheid movement lasted for more than three decades, from the late 1950s to 1994, when the first democratic elections in South Africa were held, and it had a presence on all continents. In this sense, the interactions of the anti-apartheid movement were part of the construction of a global political culture during the Cold War. Further, I argue that the history of the anti-apartheid struggle provides an important historical case for the analysis of present-day global politics, as it is evident that the present mobilization of a global civil society in relation to economic globalization and supranational political institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, has historical links to the post-war, transnational political culture of which the anti-apartheid movement formed an important part. Movement organizations, action forms and networks that were formed and developed in the anti-apartheid struggle are present in this contemporary context, making the transnational anti-apartheid movement an important historical resource for contemporary global civil society.     

The European Budget and the Principles of Solidarity and Added Value

By presenting a proposal for the EU's fifth Financial Perspective, now named Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), in June 2011, the European Commission started negotiations on the European Union's budget policy and financial programming that are expected to end in December 2012. It is becoming increasingly apparent that the MFF negotiations will be extremely difficult because a settlement can only be achieved by consensus. That means that all 27 member states and the European Parliament will have to agree. Two principles might be taken as guidelines to facilitate a compromise: the principle of European solidarity and the principle of European added value. The task will be to define a concept that combines both principles so that it can become the main argument and narrative for explaining the complex budget negotiations, enabling the European Union to avoid a stalemate.     

论劳动者的团结权与工会体制改革

由于历史和现实的原因,造成了我国工会组织的行政化、工作内容的娱乐化、工会立场的中间性、代表权利来源和责任机制的虚无化等一系列问题,导致工会的维权作用受到很大削弱。我国工会的发展道路,应是在坚持党的政治领导和社会主义方向的前提下朝着社会化的方向发展。要通过深化改革强化工会的代表性和相对独立性,通过完善法律将维护会员的合法权益作为工会的首要职能,从而加强工会的责任意识。只有这样,才能适应我国当前经济转型、体制转轨时期劳动纠纷多发、群体性事件增多,必须创新社会管理、建立稳定和谐的劳动关系的迫切需要。     

普京政权8年总评价:特征与得失

没有像戈尔巴乔夫和叶利钦那样,以一套抽象理论作为改革的蓝本,普京转而以具体的目标——在民主政治和自由经济的框架下建立一个强大的俄罗斯——作为施政蓝图。这是普京政权的显著特征,也是普京与前苏联、俄罗斯领导人的主要区别所在。为实现这一目标,普京在制定各项具体政策时,大致上遵守民主政治与自由市场的原则。总体而言,这些具体的政策有得也有失:其中促进国民团结与加强管理能力的政策,十分有效;促进经济发展和改善民生的政策,效率一般;至于遏止人口衰退和改善国民健康危机方面的政策,则效率不佳。就现时的发展水平而言,俄罗斯还未完全达到"跻身于世界强国之林"及"民主法治"的目标。     

Crime patterns and their relation to subjective social stress and support indicators: The role of gender

This study investigated the relationship between the subjective perception of stress and support in the population (as independent variables) and the prevalence of homicide, robbery, and property offenses in society, while controlling for the effect of gender, i.e., how these crimes are related to the differential perception of stress and support among males and females. The theoretical framework is provided by a stress-support model which postulates that crime in society will be positively related to stress factors and negatively related to support systems. Eight stress indicators and four support (solidarity) indicators were included. The data regarding these indicators were derived from continuing surveys of representative samples of the urban population in Israel during the years 1967–1979. The theoretical model was supported by the findings, especially those relating to property offenses. The effects of the female indicators were strongest (and greater than those of males) with regard to property offenses. The regression coefficients of the female indicators were also consistently larger than those of males, indicating that women's perceptions of stress are better predictors of crime rates than those of males. The results are compared to those of previous studies and suggestions are made for future studies in this new line of criminological research.