论集体合同的私法结构

集体合同是一种自治机制和市场机制,这种自治基础上的市场机制本身导致其与传统私法的合 同制度难以分离。从法教义学角度看,集体合同以私法合同的形式成立和消灭,对工会和用人单位或用人单位 联合会具有债权效力,这些都是私法现象;传统私法曾试图通过代理理论和有利于第三人的合同理论解释集体 合同对劳动者和用人单位的效力,但都不能自圆其说。为此,大陆法系国家承认了集体合同对劳动者和用人单 位的规范效力,并提出社团理论、国家授权理论、自治理论,分别从社会法、公法、私法的角度解释上述规范 效力。从中国集体合同制度发展的历史、社会经济基础和制度设计来看,私法的解释方案依然最优：集体合同 以合同的方式成立,通过职工（代表）大会的决议行为获得对全体劳动者的约束力,即规范效力。因此,集体 合同是一种私法上的制度。     

Confidence and Caretakers: Some Less‐Obvious Implications of the Fixed‐Term Parliaments Act

This article explores the 2011 Fixed‐term Parliaments Act's less‐obvious implications. First, it discusses why Theresa May found calling the 2017 election so straightforward, and notes what this implies for how FTPA works. Second, it looks at executive–legislative relations. FTPA removed the government's ability to designate controversial parliamentary votes as matters of confidence, and introduced a fourteen‐day cushion between a no‐confidence vote and Parliament's dissolution. In the process, it shifted the balance of power from ministers to backbenchers, to an extent potentially greater than most observers recognise. Third, it considers the more outlandish possibilities raised by FTPA's imposition of a fourteen‐day waiting period after a government's defeat on a no‐confidence motion before a new election can be called. It is possible, for example, for rebel MPs from the governing party to use the no‐confidence procedure to force concessions from the cabinet. Finally, it assesses FTPA's long‐term survival prospects, and what repeal would involve.     

March divided,fight united? Trade union cohesion and government appeal for concertation

Why does the government appeal for concertation? Starting from the principal?agent framework and delegation theory, the article argues that the government is more willing to share decision-making power with trade unions when the policy preferences endorsed by the unions are closer to those of the cabinet. Furthermore, it maintains that government propensity to negotiate with trade unions increases as the heterogeneity of union policy preferences grows because the cabinet can exploit its agenda-setting power to divide the union front. The article tests these two hypotheses through a longitudinal analysis of the Italian case (1946–2014). In detail, it takes advantage of two original datasets built through content analysis that provide unique in-depth information on the policy preferences of parties and cabinets and measures the policy positions of the main Italian trade unions, thus allowing assessment of their reciprocal heterogeneity. The results confirm the expectations.     

“HU 理论”在工资集体谈判中的运用构想探析

工资集体谈判制度是职工工资的民主决策方式,也是工会保障职工经济权益的重要手段。作为当前以改善民生为重点的社会建设的一项战略性任务,工资集体谈判在具体的实践过程中起到了一定的积极作用,尤其是在保障职工最低工资等方面成效显著。由于当前工会方的经济非独立性,从而使谈判话语权较弱,以及企业和职工对经营成果分配的不满等,导致谈判质量较低,特别是职工工资增长的谈判不够理想,从而使利益分配成为工资集体谈判的关键点。为此,针对工资谈判中的利益分配问题,本研究试图设计一个既能够满足企业的利益需求,又能够维护职工的正常工资需求的"工资联合确定模式",即在工资谈判中运用"HU理论",进行操作,实现劳资双赢,从而化解工资集体谈判在实践中的实施难题。     

Prime ministers and the electoral cost of using the confidence vote in legislative bargaining: evidence from France

Do prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote.     

非公有制企业集体协商 ：问题、困境与对策

在我国劳动关系集体化转向的背景下,集体协商与集体谈判的区别、非公企业集体协商的适用范围、工会组织的角色与作用是推进非公有制企业集体协商亟待思考的深层次问题。当前,我国非公企业集体协商工作面临的主要困境是集体协商尚未成为非公企业劳资双方的强制性法定义务、集体协商尚未成为非公企业工会的核心工作、非公企业工会主席尚未在集体协商中发挥出关键性的作用以及各类主体在非公企业集体协商中所承担的角色亟待厘清。为进一步完善我国非公企业集体协商制度,在观念层面,应正确理解集体协商的实质性内涵及其重要作用;在工会层面,必须切实发挥非公企业工会的关键作用和各级总工会的领导作用：在立法层面,可以在条件成熟时制订修订相关法律法规。     

推进工资集体协商，促进构建和谐稳定劳动关系

当前，在市场经济条件下，工资问题是企业中各方利益的核心问题。因此，推行工资集体协商涉及到国家的发展、改革、稳定、执政等各个方面，也是构建社会主义和谐社会的基础和重要内容。     

对英国集体谈判制度形成过程的历史考察

英国是资本主义的先行者，也是最早成立工会、最早进行集体谈判的国家。随着工人运动的发展，英国的集体谈判也经历了萌芽到成熟、非法到合法的过程，并形成了独特的传统：自由放任。这一传统既是英国资本主义经济政治特征的体现，也是工人与资本家斗争的结果，对英国劳资关系的发展有着深远影响。     

辩诉交易相关制度之借鉴

世界各国普遍存在与美国辩诉交易相类似的制度,究其原因在于辩诉交易的实践价值.各主要国家普遍存在着辩诉交易的相关制度,对于被告人自愿认罪的案件在程序上予以简化,并在实体上从轻处理.我国不宜全面移植辩诉交易.应当借鉴其合理内核,打破现有简易程序和普通程序简化审的划分,重构我国的认罪案件处理程序.