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101.
Fatemeh Shayan 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2020,13(3):441-463
ABSTRACT An extensive body of traditional terrorism research exists where the focus is on Iran as a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This article explores an alternative terrorism narrative by examining the non-state actors, Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl. The deficiency of information in the literature is addressed by applying the first and second-order critique approach of Richard Jackson’s knowledge, power and politics theoretical framework in contrast with the traditional terrorism studies approach. A first-order critique seeks to destabilise the accepted knowledge that Iran is both a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This provides the grounds to study other aspects of “knowing” in relation to the second-order critique, where a critical ground outside the discourse suggests that Iranian officials have declared that the non-state terrorist actors of Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl constitute a threat to Iran’s political stability. The outcome of the analyses here bridges the gap between the new aspect of terrorism, the non-state actors, and critical terrorism studies in order to contest the traditional discussion of terrorism in Iran. The rationale behind new terrorism varies and necessitates that new meanings and strategies be adopted in relation to Iran. 相似文献
102.
伊朗是中东地区主要的贸易国之一,也是中国在中东重要贸易伙伴之一.然而由于伊朗违反联合国有关不扩散核武器的有关公约之规定,联合国、中国两岸四地、欧盟、美国都在不同程度上通过立法对伊朗实施制裁.在研究伊朗制裁相关法律的基础上,从法律分析和实务的角度,对一些与伊朗贸易有关的实际问题加以探讨. 相似文献
103.
This paper traces the transformation of sexual space in Iran during the past 200 years; a process which culminated in the emergence of Iranian gays at the beginning of this century. We reconcile the work of Najmabadi [2005. Women with mustaches and men without beards: gender and sexual anxieties of Iranian modernity, Berkley: University of California Press], Foucault [1990. The history of sexuality, Vol. 1: an introduction, New York: Vintage Books], and Massad [2002. Re-orienting desire: the gay international and the arab world. Public Culture 14(2), 361–385; 2007. Desiring arabs, Chicago: University of Chicago Press] and describe distinct moments of modern subject construction. We claim that gays are constituted in Iran through a process of heteronormalization of social space, followed by the ‘fixing’ of deviant types in law and medicine and then the availability of a positive frame of reference which makes its appearance in the mid-1990s when the discourse of identity and human rights enters Iran. We conclude by signalling a new chapter in the constitution of sexual space in Iran in which gay activists experiment with Persian culture to create gay-friendly speech. 相似文献
104.
Mohammed Nuruzzaman 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):363-378
The March 14, 2011 Saudi military intervention in Bahrain to suppress pro-democracy uprisings created serious regional and global concerns. Political analysts and commentators have interpreted the Saudi intervention primarily in terms of domestic and regional political and strategic dynamics. This paper analyses the intervention issue from both political and economic perspectives and argues that the Saudi decision to intervene in Bahrain to trample the democratic rights of common Bahrainis was no less, if not more, influenced by economic factors than political and strategic calculations. Moreover, similar Saudi interventions in other Gulf Cooperation Council countries remain a reality if the status quo is seriously threatened by any internal pro-democracy forces, with or without external support. 相似文献
105.
Ali Parchami 《Contemporary Politics》2014,20(3):315-330
Drawing on the memoirs of Hassan Rowhani, Iran's chief nuclear negotiator (2003–2005) and newly elected president, this paper considers the impact of the Bush Administration's Iran policy on the internal politics of the Islamic Republic and the dynamics of its nuclear negotiation strategy. It argues that the administration had a detrimental effect on international nuclear negotiations with Iran and should be considered at least partially responsible for the current nuclear impasse. Identifying three key areas, it focuses on the administration's rejection of constructive engagement with the relatively moderate government of President Mohammad Khatami; the negative influence of the USA during Iran's nuclear negotiations with the EU3; and the administration's refusal to provide the Iranians with confidence-building incentives, or countenance unconditional nuclear talks, despite a policy change in Washington that was ostensibly multilateralist and gave the impression of directly engaging with the Iranians. 相似文献
106.
Shirzad Azad 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(4):555-573
The present analysis emerges from a rather constant observation of the Iranian government's bilateral interactions with countries of the Northeast Asian region during the Ahmadinejad presidency from 2005 to 2013. Instead of providing a detailed account of myriad economic interactions involving the two sides, particular attention is paid to how Iran and its East Asian partners perceived and treated each other politically in that period of Tehran's tense and often convoluted relationship with the West. The article also looks at how Ahmadinejad's legacy might influence his successor's overall policy toward the East Asian region. 相似文献
107.
Katayoun Shafiee 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):585-614
Abstract The paper explores how the calculative work of three different formulas shaped the history of oil in Iran in the first half of the twentieth century. British investors, Iranian government officials, oil workers and other actors battled over the construction and employment of a formula during the course of three different but interconnected disputes over oil profits, labour and production rates. Opening up the dynamics of a petroleum formula exposes how, on each occasion, certain political possibilities were opened or closed in the co-assembling of the Iranian state and Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Scholarship on oil and Iran has not been able to account for the kinds of non-human actors, tools and machinery involved in the building of such a large-scale political project as an oil industry. Thus the paper draws on the current research on formulas and markets in science and technology studies but takes a different direction by looking at their political construction in the resolution of not just financial and economic problems, but social and political ones. 相似文献
108.
Larry Ray 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):198-221
This paper offers an interpretaion of 'Islamic fundamentalism', especially the Iranian Revolution, in the context of sociological debates about 'modernity'. The problematic nature of both these terms is acknowledge. It criticizes explanations of 'fundamentalism' that begin from the assumption of a dichotomy between fundamentalism and modernity, arguing instead for a more nuanced understanding of both Islamic revivalism and the modern. The paper begins by offering a model of modernity as a set of bi-modal tensions within which Islamic 'fundamentalism' could be understood as a form of modernist revolutionary populism. This argument is then developed through a comparison betwen the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution. It argues that there are parallels between the idea of Islamic revolution and the Jacobin revolutionary imagination, which demonstrate with some observations on Islam, and the closure of the Jacobin revolutionary project. 相似文献
109.
郭丽 《江南社会学院学报》2009,11(2):27-30
9·11以来美伊在核问题上的矛盾表现为两国文化建构基础的不同,这种不同是由于双方所持有的现实主义集体安全观的内在矛盾所导致的.美国和伊朗在核问题上的冲突实质上是两种文化体系的冲突,即国际核不扩散机制为主导的康德文化体系与美伊敌对关系为特征的霍布斯文化体系的冲突.建构主义在解释外交政策上忽略了国家身份建构中的内部因素,这也是伊朗难以纳入所谓的核不扩散国际规范的原因. 相似文献
110.
Post-revolution Iran is uniquely based upon the contradictory principles of divine and popular sovereignty but with ultimate authority delegated to jurists. At the same time, the theocratic basis of clerical dominance is rooted within a pluralistic and decentralised theological tradition peculiar to the Shiite establishment. Despite the tutelary institutional arrangements engineered by the ruling clergy, elections have generated unexpected outcomes and unleashed power and policy shifts. Emphasising the political dynamic generated by elections, this paper examines the uncertainties stemming from electoral processes that have been constructed by conflicting electoral and theocratic principles. In developing the concept of electoral theocracy, the paper highlights the paradoxes underpinning the hybridity of Iran’s clerical and electoral authoritarian system of governance. These hybrid features have remained largely neglected in the literature on electoral authoritarian regimes. 相似文献