非婚同居的规制不会冲击结婚登记制度

结婚登记制度是非婚同居产生的制度条件,非婚同居不是对现行婚姻制度的冲击,非婚同居制度与结婚登记制度可以相得益彰。法律保护非婚同居,虽在一定程度上弱化婚姻法价值导向,但并没有动摇婚姻的主流地位,破坏家庭法目标的实现。婚姻危机无法缓解,并不能因此归责于法律承认和保护了非婚同居,而应正视和反思婚姻制度自身所面临的问题。法律对非婚同居的承认,并不排斥婚姻制度,人们根据自身的需要选择不同的两性结合方式。婚姻依然是人类自我延续和子女健康成长的必不可少的组织,应将婚姻置于优先保护的地位,赋予婚姻与非婚同居不同的待遇,婚姻家庭模式的主流地位得以巩固。     

How unique is the Western European marriage pattern?: A comparison of nuptiality in historical Europe and the contemporary Arab world

In this article a comparison is drawn between the historical Western European marriage pattern (WEMP), and more recent trends in nuptiality in Arab countries. This comparison makes clear that marriage behavior in the present-day Arab world shows striking similarities to nuptiality patterns which have been described by Hajnal and adherents as typically Western European. Due to a combination of economic hardship, ever growing costs in the marriage ceremony, prolonged education and the emancipation of women, people in the Arab world have started to marry at ever higher ages during the past decades. Moreover, there are indications that universal marriage is in decline. Just as Western European couples in the nineteenth century had to spend years of saving in order to meet the economic requirements for marriage, young couples in today's Arab world have to postpone marriage as they are only at a more advanced age able to bear the economic burden involved in getting married. Striking is also the fact that marriage restriction in both societies started at a moment when the social and legal position of women was improving (in late Medieval Western Europe and today in the Arab world). However, in some ways the historical Western European marriage pattern differs from the contemporary Arab pattern. No other marriage regime has been able to completely reduce fertility and balance population growth to economic development. Whereas population growth in pre-twentieth century Europe was only restricted by nuptiality control, demographic expansion in present day Arab society is also restricted by modern family planning. Declining nuptiality in the Arab world can however not, as some might assume, be put under the header of the Second Demographic Transition observed in Western societies, from the 1960s on. After all, until today, a rise in cohabitation and extra-marital births has not occured in the Arab world.     

INTEREST IN MARITAL RECONCILIATION AMONG DIVORCING PARENTS

This study offers the first research data on the interest of divorcing parents in marital reconciliation. A sample of 2,484 divorcing parents was surveyed after taking required parenting classes. They were asked about whether they believed their marriage could still be saved with hard work, and about their interest in reconciliation services. About 1 in 4 individual parents indicated some belief that their marriage could still be saved, and in about 1 in 9 matched couples both partners did. As for interest in reconciliation services, about 3 in 10 individuals indicated potential interest. In a sub‐sample of 329 matched couples, about 1 in 3 couples had one partner interested but not the other, and in 1 in 10 couples both partners were interested in reconciliation services. Findings were consistent across most demographic and marital factors. The only strong predictors of reconciliation interest were gender, with males being more interested than females, and initiator status, with far greater interest among those whose partner initiated the divorce. These findings are discussed in terms of attachment theory and future prospects of divorce services.     

当代青年的择偶标准及其性别差异——对1255则征婚广告的内容分析

通过对《现代家庭》杂志2000年1月至2010年10月所刊载的1255则征婚广告进行内容分析,并与1990年的统计结果对比发现：性格与品德已成为青年择偶时最为关注的因素;健康、对感情的重视程度、户口、住房等因素发挥着越来越重要的作用,被关注的程度上升;年龄因素仍很重要,排名第二,但已有淡化之势;身高、婚史状况、受教育程度、职业、事业心等因素的关注度呈现下降趋势,尤其事业心作为隐性潜能并未被征婚者所重视;兴趣爱好因素至少在通过征婚广告择偶的人群中被忽略;性别是影响择偶标准的一个敏感因素;在许多择偶标准上,男女存在显著差异。     

论无效与可撤销婚姻制度的立法完善

我国无效婚姻与可撤销婚姻制度的相关立法还存在可撤销婚姻的法定情形过于单一、对无效婚姻与可撤销婚姻的法律后果没有进行区分等不足,需要通过扩大可撤销婚姻的范围、规定无效婚姻宣告制度、细化行使请求权的主体和期限、区分无效婚姻与可撤销婚姻的法律后果、强化对善意相对人的保护等来进一步加以完善,以适应新时期调整婚姻家庭关系的需要。     

论当代的神权政治——伊斯兰原教旨主义

欧洲中世纪确立了以基督教为主体的神权政治思想,伴随着西欧封建社会的瓦解,神权政治体系随之解体。伊斯兰教在自身发展史上也曾确立了神权政治思想,随着20世纪70年代以来伊斯兰原教旨主义运动在世界各地的勃然兴起,神权政治再次引起广泛关注。伊斯兰原教旨主义的兴起应得益于其本身所独有的复古机制,伊斯兰教本身所持有的教条使其产生带有某种必然性,同时,宗教政治化、政治宗教化的传统为伊斯兰原教旨主义提供了政治合法性的根基。     

Ideological Neutrality in the Workplace

This note assesses the decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Achbita v G4S Secure Solutions NV and Bougnaoui v Micropole SA, the first cases dealing with religious discrimination under the Equal Treatment Directive 2000/43. Both cases concerned Muslim women wishing to express their religious beliefs by wearing an Islamic headscarf while working in a private undertaking. The Court held that the employees’ dismissal could not be justified by reference to clients’ prejudices against the headscarf. However, dismissal could be justified if pursued on the basis of a corporate policy of ideological neutrality which prohibited all visible religious, political and philosophical symbols. This note criticises the latter part of the Court's decision for, inter alia, placing too much weight on an employer's freedom to run its business in spite of the grave effects this has on employees’ fundamental right to manifest their beliefs at work.     

IRAN’S STRUGGLE FOR STRATEGIC DOMINANCE IN A POST-ISIS IRAQ

Iran's influence and presence in Iraq have increased significantly in recent years. The collapse of the Saddam's dictatorship in 2003, after the US invasion, served to inflate Iran's influence in Iraq, particularly in the post-ISIS era. In this connection, Iran has used various means and tools to develop its strategy in Iraq. This article argues that Iran's current strategy in Iraq stems from a Realpolitik agenda rather than an ideological one, concerned more with political, economic, and security interests than pursuing revolutionary objectives per se. To this end, Tehran has largely relied on long-established relationships with several pro-Iranian political parties and militia groups. These relationships are often couched in religious ideological terms as a foundation and justification for its future strategy in post-ISIS Iraq. The questions that this paper will address are the following: what was Iran's role in defeating ISIS in Iraq? How has Tehran benefitted from its long-term relationships with Iraqi political parties and militia groups? What are the Iranian sources of power in Iraq and how do they help Iran gain strategic dominance in Iraq?     

Informed powerlessness: child marriage interventions and Third World girlhood discourses

Child marriage has gained increased international prominence over the past decades. Organisations working with the issue have promoted empowering girls as the best strategy to address it. Informed by postcolonial feminist theory, this article will locate these discourses in broader ‘turn to the girl’ and ‘turn to agency’ in international development, analysing how Third World girlhood, agency, resistance and voice are conceptualised. Girls are constructed as threatened by their families and communities, with agency exercised through resistance and materialised by their voice. I argue that this ignores the complexity of decision-making processes and broader structural factors related to child marriage, so that interventions providing ‘empowerment-as-information’ for girls to be agents of change instead leave them in a state of informed powerlessness.