Heterosexuality and Race in the Australian Same-Sex Marriage Postal Survey

ABSTRACT

This article argues that race and class are central aspects of sexual citizenship in a Australia. It does so by investigating representations of heterosexuality that were produced and circulated during the 2017 same-sex marriage postal survey. Engaging with feminist and critical race theorists, we position same-sex marriage as not exceptional but part of a wider distribution of sexual citizenship within Australia's ongoing settler colonial history. We do so by introducing a number of illustrative examples of representations of heterosexuality produced during the survey. These representations reveal how same-sex marriage perpetuated heterosexual authority by asserting claims to authenticity and the occupation of space. We observe how heterosexuality in the survey material reproduced fantasies linking these three themes, for example, in an authentic white heterosexual family who speaks from their suburban backyard. It reveals that ceding to a bifurcated view of either progressive or conservative voices forestalls rather than advances other visions which may exceed the limited imaginings of sexual citizenship offered by the white liberal settler colonial state.     

Grasping the Syrian War,a view from Albanians in the Balkans

Reactions to the brutal Syrian War from European governments and Europe’s Muslims have been diverse and subject to many shifts over the past few years. This paper focuses on how Albanian political and Islamic religious figures living in the Balkans have come to interpret the war. I focus on discourse, the ways in which these different agents communicate with their audience, and the wider contexts they evoke. Government sources and religiously themed lectures delivered by prominent imams on the social networking site YouTube are used to assess these trends. The most obvious aspect of these debates is the ways in which these agents use the war to press their own agendas, the government to affirm their commitment to the “West” and an ethnicized view of Islam, while Islamic religious leaders use it to reconnect their audiences to a more cosmopolitan vision of their past. War thus becomes a catalyst for a resurgent contestation between different groups vying for control over what it means to be “Albanian” and “Muslim” in the twenty-first century.     

Regulation of armed conflict: critical comparativism

Abstract

This paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. In doing so, the paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for ‘critical comparativism’ rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the ‘objective’ benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, ‘critical comparativism’ treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system.     

文化融入策略与恐怖组织的认同

恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段：个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中,始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾,具体表现为：第一阶段,潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫,转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段,恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础,构建其组织文化,并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同,但与此相对,恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段,恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化,最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例,对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现,“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关,而其在阿富汗的受挫,在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的,即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争,而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此,在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时,关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策,具有重要意义和价值。     

From Broken Families to the Broken Society

This article traces the development of the Conservative party's 'broken society' narrative, from its roots in William Hague's early invocations of 'social justice' to the evidence-based approach adopted by David Cameron. It considers relevant social trends over the period since 1970; summarises the Conservative party's attitude to family policy in government between 1979 and 1997; and shows how the Conservatives in opposition from 1997 onwards have become more focused on support for the marriage-based family, now a central tenet of Conservative social policy under David Cameron's leadership.     

女性与科举

自科举学创立以来,学者对科举的研究更多的是侧重于以男性为中心的制度和文化层面的研究,对女性与科举关系的探讨非常缺乏.但是,身处科举社会的女性必定与科举在某些方面有着巧妙而不可避免的联系.女性对以科举为业的男性及其家族有不可避免的作用和影响,对科举所做出了自己的贡献.     

1927-1945:革命根据地婚姻自由的法律表达

从在江西建立革命根据地开始到抗日战争胜利结束,这段时期婚姻自由的法律表达展现的是红色农村地区对共产党人法制实践的接受和反应。中国共产党在根据地时期不仅进行暴力革命,建立割据政权,同时还开展一系列社会革命,其中就包括对婚姻制度的改造。革命时期对婚姻制度的变革既是对封建制度的消解,也是现实革命动员的需要。文章通过对结婚自由和离婚自由法律表达的分析,阐释革命与法律的互动和冲突及其现实选择。     

从闽南方言俗语看闽、台婚姻旧俗——《闽南话漳腔辞典》札记

本文认为,<闽南话漳腔辞典>(中华书局2007年版)是方言志、亦是民俗志著作;"以风俗解释方言,即以方言表现风俗"是方言学、亦是民俗学之道.本文从<闽南话漳腔辞典>收录的闽南方言俗语及其释义部分举例取证,描述或补述闽、台婚姻旧俗之若干情节,说明和证明闽、台两地民俗文化的共同性.     

澳大利亚“子女最大利益原则”对我国的启示

1959年《儿童权利宣言》和1989年《儿童权利公约》等国际文献均规定,在处理与儿童有关的问题时,应以儿童最大利益为首要考虑。目前,澳大利亚在婚姻家庭法的立法中确立了“儿童最大利益优先原则”。在我国婚姻家庭法中迫切需要确立儿童最大利益的优先权准则,相关法律制度也应予以修改和完善。