法律高职教育实践教学体系探讨

实践教学是高等职业教育的关键性环节,也是制约政法类高等职业教育发展的"瓶颈".如何理解实践教学的内涵,如何构建具有自身特色的实践教学体系,如何保障实践教学体系的实施,是本文所要探讨的几个问题,期求达到抛砖引玉之目的.     

江泽民党建思想研究：回顾与展望

在江泽民党建思想的研究中,我们应加强比较研究工作。要加强研究的系统性和纵深性,对江泽民党建思想作出全面、细致的梳理,弥补目前研究中无专著的缺憾。还应在理论体系构建上多下工夫。     

“宪政是民主政治”论对宪政的负面影响

"宪政是民主政治"是一个在我国广为流传的、在理论上有缺陷的、对当代中国的宪政建设实践也有负面影响的传统宪政定义."宪政是民主政治"论在理论上的主要缺陷有:它偏离了宪政的主要价值目标;它不能解释民主"异化"为"多数暴政"的问题;它不能解释"有民主,无宪政"的历史事实;它把民主作为宪政概念的唯一构成要素是理论上的独断."宪政是民主政治"论对当代中国宪政建设实践的负面影响主要是:它阻碍了我国宪政分权制度的确立;它阻碍了我国违宪审查制度的建立;它妨碍了宪政观念在我国社会的传播.因此,中国要建设真正意义上的宪政国家就必须修正或放弃"宪政是民主政治"论.     

Weak and Ineffective? Reassessing the Party Political Leadership of John Major

Interpretations on the party political leadership of John Major are dominated by perceptions of weakness and ineffectiveness. This article examines his party political leadership by considering the relationship between, first, his political ambitions, and, second, his style of political leadership. When evaluating the political ambitions of Major, the article will demonstrate that he was ideologically agnostic and a political pragmatist. When examining his party political leadership style, the article will demonstrate, via an examination of his management of the European policy divide and his Cabinet management, that he was politically indecisive and an avoider of political confrontation. The article concludes, however, that perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness should be contextualised due to the following two factors: first, the constraints of inheriting an ideologically divided parliamentary Conservative party; and, second, the contrasting circumstances that ensured that his predecessor and successor appeared strong and effective, which have magnified perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness.     

中国共产党社会主义民主理论的发展

民主是随着国家的产生而出现的,它同许多政治现象一样,本身也有一个发展变化的过程。马克思主义经典作家在建立马克思主义国家学说和探索无产阶级民主的过程中,对民主有过深入的研究,多层次多侧面地论述过民主问题,对民主的内涵作出了科学的解释。毛泽东关于社会主义民主政治建设的一系列思想观点,对我国的社会主义民主政治建设起了巨大的指导作用,丰富和发展了马克思主义的民主理论。在社会主义建设的新时期,邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛同志则把中国特色社会主义民主理论和民主政治建设推向了一个新阶段。     

巴基斯坦内政变化与外交调整

巴基斯坦独立以来,国内政治危机不断。穆沙拉夫执掌巴基斯坦政权后,采取种种举措,抓住有利的国际机遇,应对多变的国内外局势,使巴基斯坦国内政治和外交环境有了很大的改观,但是还存在着不少矛盾与问题。总的说来,巴基斯坦国内政治与外交环境正在逐渐适应时势的变化,在向和平与发展的道路上迈进。     

The politics of history and historical memory in China-Japan relations

The current state of China-Japan relations is characterized by two seemingly contradictory developments adjacent to each other: while economic and cultural relations have experienced an unprecedented and continuous improvement since the 1980s, Chinese and Japanese public perceptions of each other have been deteriorating. This raises interesting questions. How do we explain this discrepancy and what are the sources of the increasing public animosity in China or Japan toward the other country? Can China and Japan maintain amicable relations and continue economic cooperation in spite of the enduring mistrust between their peoples? What is the role of public perception and memory of history in the foreign policies of East Asia? This paper addresses these questions, focusing especially on the last one — the role of history and collective historical memory in international relations and the interaction between public sentiment and government foreign policies. Through a detailed study of recent events and the issue of Japanese textbooks, the author argues that public perception of history can and should be guided toward more positive directions. Otherwise, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain amicable relations between the two countries, especially when new nationalism is on the rise in both counties.     

意大利《行政程序法》之内容与特征探析

意大利行政程序立法在第二次世界大战后就开始了。但是,其《行政程序法》直到1990年8月才由议会通过并开始实施。行政程序的终结、行政行为的动机、行政程序的责任、参与和被听取意见的权利、行政程序的简化、透明性和获取行政文件的权利等规定,构成了意大利《行政程序法》的主要内容。而只规定行政程序的基本特征、具有很强的操作和规范功能、较好地坚持了“兼顾论”原则、体现原则性和灵活性相结合的原则等,则体现了意大利《行政程序法》的主要特征。1990年的《行政程序法》在加大行政透明度、简化行政程序、加强对行政结果和行政管理的责任以及强化分权等行政改革方面发挥了巨大的作用。     

论帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪之应然主体

对帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪主体范围的理解和适用,见仁见智。以罪刑法定为指导对本罪主体进行法条解析：本罪之应然主体以“身份说”为主,兼采“职权说”,皆以负有查禁犯罪的职责为前提。查禁犯罪活动是从调查、发现犯罪人或犯罪事实开始,到立案侦查、审查起诉这一过程的活动。负有查禁犯罪活动职责的各级党委机关中的政法委工作人员,不能成为本罪之主体。     

Adivasiness as Caste Expression and Land Rights Claim-Making in Central-Eastern India

ABSTRACT

The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses.