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771.
Kei Koga 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(3):331-359
This article argues that the problem of the Yasukuni Shrine between Japan and South Korea stems from the differential growth of Yasukuni discourses in both countries after the Pacific War. While the Japanese post-war discourse split into three schools of thought – Nationalists, Moderates, and Progressives – South Korean discourse has been consolidated into one dominant anti-Yasukuni perspective, largely shaped by Japan's political discourse and actions from the 1980s. This divergence created the perception gap between the two, resulting in a diplomatic obstacle that hinders Japan--South Korea strategic cooperation. 相似文献
772.
LIU Ran HE Qing-ping 《美中公共管理》2009,6(4):61-64
Comparison is a very important method in social science and human science research. This text thinks that comparison should be pondered and illustrated more deeply, which will help us to understand it more clearly for improving the performance and advance of the research in politics and it's theory system. 相似文献
773.
理性化的行政许可范围的设定,应当以市民社会与政治国家的良性互动为目标,从克服市民社会不自足性出发,充分尊重市民社会的独立性,确立公共利益优位的理念,以私权保障为其基本价值取向。我国行政许可法所确立的行政许可范围设定制度正是契合了上述基本要求,对中国此后的市场经济和民主政治建设必将起到巨大的推动作用。 相似文献
774.
长期以来,对台湾政党政治的研究大多集中在蓝绿两大阵营的政党,而较少关注两大阵营之外的“第三股力量”。近年来,岛内一直有人试图筹组超越蓝绿的“第三势力”。“第三势力”在台湾政坛究竟能有多大的活动空间?本文试图运用公共选择理论的分析框架,对台湾政党政治的现状及在可预见的未来的发展趋势进行初步剖析,以期对“第三势力”在这一过程中可能获得的选民支持的空间进行深入的探讨。 相似文献
775.
许志强 《中共山西省委党校学报》2009,32(3):109-111
英国素有“议会之母”的关誉,英国议会政治研究更是受到国内外学者的重视。刘淑青教授的专著《斯图亚特王朝早期议会政治研究》是目前国内研究议会政治的范例。对于英国内战爆发的最主要原因,作者既未盲从于哪一派的观点,也没有生硬地全盘吸收,而是灵活地有保留地进行选择。总之,该书以“冲突”为主线,分别从经济、政治和宗教三个层面进行深入剖析,阐释了议会与国王之间的关系如何从相互妥协、调和、争论、指责到最终决裂的演变过程。 相似文献
776.
杨建平 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2014,(1):14-17
20世纪80年代西方学术界兴起了协商民主理论研究的热潮,国内的学者及时地将译著介绍到中国,一方面梳理、分析和探讨其基本的理论架构和内涵,另一方面关注当代中国政治发展的现实状况,从现实的政治实践中发掘理论资源,为社会主义协商民主理论提供实践支撑。准确把握协商民主的基本内涵,探讨中国发展协商民主的现实路径,对推动中国特色社会主义民主政治建设发展具有重大的现实意义。 相似文献
777.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):337-350
AbstractIn this paper I address what Arendt called the “problem of the new”, or, as Castoriadis put it, the problem of how to make the new “the object of our praxis”. I argue that the problem of the new requires thinking about receptivity in a new way, making it normatively and epistemically prior to creativity. I illuminate my new approach to receptivity through detailed engagement with Russell Hoban’s brilliant novel, The Medusa Frequency 相似文献
778.
吴江 《陕西行政学院学报》2013,(3):104-107
人们对于与大数据、数据挖掘相关的政治问题的关注不应仅停留在隐私权的保护、商业规范的制订等方面。通过比较福柯所论述的规训时代与大数据时代的异同,可以发现大数据创造了以抽象的深层次身心机制为特征的新权力客体。统治者能够借助非系统化的海量信息对社会各个职能领域进行细节化的监控和管理。这种统治模式虽然可能造成民主危机和责任危机,却也蕴含着向有利方向变革的可能。 相似文献
779.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):84-99
AbstractLarge scale land acquisitions by foreign conglomerates in Zimbabwe have been a recurrent phenomenon within the last five years. This has led to land deals being negotiated with state, individual and nongovernmental actors, leading to the production of agro fuels. This article investigates how the large scale commercial land deals have affected the livelihoods of women small holder farmers, the role of global capital in entrenching discrimination of women and how the politics of resource use and distribution has become a central force in shaping livelihoods in Zimbabwe's communal areas. The article is based on field work that was conducted in Ndowoyo communal area, in Chisumbanje village, from July 2011 until April 2012. The methods used for collecting data were in-depth interviews with the women, interviews with officials from the Platform for Youth Development, a nongovernmental organisation, Macdom Pvt Ltd and Ratings Investments, focus group discussions and personal observations that involved interactions with the women. In 2011, Macdom Pvt Ltd and Ratings Investments, both bio fuels companies owned by Billy Rautenbach started green fuel production operations in Chisumbanje and this has led to the altering of the livelihoods systems of women smallholder farmers. The argument seeks, first, to demonstrate how the company‘s green fuel production systems have led to the loss of land for women and the redefinition of tenure in a communal area. Secondly it explores how the company has been involved in political issues that have undermined the role of development for the women and, thirdly, the article investigates how the women have created livelihood alternatives in an area which has been transformed from a communal rural area into almost an urban area. It concludes by suggesting the need to give primacy to women centred notions of agency in coping with the negative implications of commercial land deals on women‘s livelihoods. 相似文献
780.
The Eastern India Rainfed Farming Project is in many respects a model development project. A joint venture of the governments of India and the UK, the EIRFP has been successful in improving farm-based livelihoods in Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal. But the Project might yet be considered a failure. It has not persuaded the poorest villagers in Jharkhand (our study area) to join or manage the self-help groups that are called for by the Project's Logical Framework. We show why this has been the case, and why such an outcome was entirely predictable. Development projects cannot be expected to change local systems of politics or stratification. But this does not mean that the EIRFP is a failure. It means that a development project will be destined to 'fail' when it is judged against unrealistic assumptions about the possibilities and merits of 'participation'. 相似文献