Investigating the Implementation of New Public Management in Lebanon Ideas and Realities

This paper is an exploratory study that investigates the status of new public management （NPM） and the obstacles to its implementation within the Republic of Lebanon. The study employs a qualitative approach that examines two complementary data sources. The first data source is obtained from an extensive review of documents related to NPM that are available in the public domain such as policy initiatives and governmental projects. The second data source is obtained from in-depth semi-structured interviews with 40 stakeholders. Data is analyzed, using an iterative thematic content analysis. The findings suggest that the main obstacles that have inhibited the implementation of NPM in most public agencies in Lebanon include： the politicization of administration in the public sector, the lack of stability in the country, the non-targeted inconsistent and insufficient training, several institutional dysfunctions and organizational challenges, the absence of a country-specific applicable model of public management and the unsystematic and non-institutionalized link between concerned international organizations and the Lebanese public agencies. This research is significant as it provides a foundation for institutional practices to improve the design and implementation of NPM in the country. It also contributes to the relevant academic literature and fills a gap in the research on NPM in Lebanon. The paper provides policy recommendations needed to respond to the recurrent calls for administrative reforms in the Arab world especially in the aftermath of the popular uprisings in many of its countries.     

“腐败”的政治哲学分析与廉洁政治的路径探索

腐败的发生需要具备主观条件、客观条件和腐败机会三个要素:主观条件在于人性的不完美,客观条件在于(民众)权利向(国家)权力让渡的必要性,腐败机会使腐败由潜在可能变为现实。对于腐败的防治也需从这三个方面着手:主观因素上,构建以"责任伦理"为核心的个人伦理,并通过"职业责任伦理"将对自我与他者两种责任伦理连接起来;客观因素上,从权力伦理与权力结构两方面对公权力进行规制,通过"权力为权利服务"理念表明权力的工具性地位;机会因素上,杜绝权力介入利益关系的机会,通过"零容忍"和"严惩处"加大腐败成本,设计具有追溯机制和预防机制的良性制度,创造廉洁的社会氛围。     

NGOization and de-NGOization of Public Action in Nepal: The Role of Organizational Culture in Civil Society Politicality

Abstract

This article explores the relation between organizational culture and the politicality of civil society organizations, or rather their social construction as political. It is based on a case study of a network (NW) of human rights NGOs in Nepal during the last few years of a Maoist insurgency and the period of autocratic rule by ex-king Gyanendra, and its immediate aftermath. Through detailed ethnographic material, this article highlights the central role of the NW's organizational culture in allowing it to act in ways that were recognized as political. Specifically, it shows how a process of ‘de-NGOization’ of everyday practices and values enabled NW to become a credible actor for political change during a crucial period of Nepal's history. This article contributes to the ethnography of civil society, urges that more attention be paid to the relation of civil society to the political domain, and suggests ways forward in researching this topic.     

A Longue Durée Approach to the Role of Civil Society in the Uprisings against Authoritarianism in the Arab world

Abstract

This article will show how a ‘new history’, inspired from longue durée approaches, can be methodologically applied, and how it equips us with analytical tools that improve our capacity to understand the long-term changes that fostered the civil society-based resistance in the Arab world. Although we cannot predict the exact timing of such resistance efforts, the application of the longue durée method provides us with tools that help us understand why and how the many uprisings transpired. This complements, and partly contrasts with, most previous research, which had its main focus on discussion of short-term factors that were claimed to have caused the Arab mass-mobilized resistance in 2010–2011. The article draws upon and intends to contribute to the theoretical debate on contentious politics within social movement research, resistance studies, and civil society-driven democratization research.     

‘Spending Wisely: Principles for a Good Spending Review': The First Report of the Fabian Commission on Future Spending Choices

This article examines the work of the Fabian Society Commission on Future Spending Choices published in June 2013. The Commission is undoubtedly the most detailed and ambitious attempt by a centre‐left think‐tank to analyse the structure of UK public spending since Labour's 2010 defeat. The Commission makes an eloquent case for a strategic approach to UK public spending, filling the substantial void in thinking on the centre‐left since Labour's 2010 defeat. Inevitably, the proposals raise fundamental questions about the capacity of the British state and the constitutional framework of the UK political system to accommodate a long‐term, future‐orientated approach to public expenditure, which deserve to be properly aired and debated.     

五四时期李大钊与鲁迅“随感录”创作之比较

五四时期的“随感录”创作延续了早期政论文对时事政治的关切和评说态度,同时也蕴含了更多的文学意味。李大钊和鲁迅是这一时期“随感录”创作的重要代表人物。前者有意拉开了政治和文学的距离,用自己的创作实绩表明政治文学化表达的可能性;后者以强大的个人能力为现代杂文的发展打上了鲜明的个人印记。他们共同丰富了五四时期的杂文创作,为现代文学文体的自我更新做出了重大贡献。     

Civil Society,Moderate Islam,and Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia

What role do moderate Islamic organizations play in promoting democratization in Malaysia and Indonesia? What is the difference between large, grassroots organizations and newer more urban-based non-governmental organization (NGOs)? Is one type of organization more effective than the other? This paper looks at the changing dynamics of moderate or progressive Islamic organizations in Malaysia and Indonesia. It examines organizations such as the Liberal Islam Network in Indonesia and Sisters in Islam in Malaysia, as well as others, to try and understand the conflict between moderate or progressive Islamic groups and more conservative Islamic forces and to evaluate the role such moderate organizations play in advocating for greater protection of rights and liberties. The article finds that under moderately open conditions (like in Indonesia after 1998), Islamic NGOs do play an important and constructive role in promoting democracy.     

后“三农”阶段的新问题

改革开放以来,“三农”问题的性质、内容、形式和特征等都已经发生了很大的、甚至是根本性的变化,由此也产生了后“三农”阶段的一些新问题。首先,政治身份与所有制关系变化的可能前景,是创制农村土地的公共所有制;其次,由于农村基层民主本身必然产生相应的权力,需要创制与城市不同的农村政治体制和民主政治;第三,“三农”平等与否的比较参照是城市,这已经成为事关城乡全局的主要社会矛盾,并在城镇化建设中得到综合而突出的体现;第四,农村发展需要建设新型的现代农业形态,但却存在许多复杂的麻烦和困难;第五,农村的代际转型将持续保有数量巨大且流动不居的后备就业群体。     

论我国地方“官场内生腐败”现象产生的体制性根源

当前我国正处在政治、经济、文化、社会和对外开放全方位的高速转型期,一些地方的权力腐败现象呈现出阶段性“多发、高发、群发”的态势。以阜阳市为代表的皖北地区之所以会发生“全方位的政治生态灾难”,实质是一种整体性和结构性的地方官场内生拓展型权力腐败。究其根源就在于,我国经济体制改革与政治体制改革互相脱节,地方行政体制改革与财政体制改革互相脱节,实行“党内民主”与扩大“基层民主”互相脱节。     

建设服务型执政党——中国共产党巩固执政基础的必由之路

共产党"执政为民"从根本上讲就是利用其所掌握的各种资源"服务于民"。为民服务,是政党生存的基础,是政党政治和社会功能实现的基本途径,是世界政党政治发展的大趋势。建设服务型执政党,是落实执政为民的根本保证。为此,需要转变观念,创新机制,促进党内外民主的互动;需要纯洁党的队伍,增强党的领导干部的责任意识,提高服务能力和执政能力;需要党内生活制度化,党际关系法治化。民主、法治、服务,将是共产党最大的合法性源泉。