Between punishment and discipline: comparing strategies to control unauthorized immigration in the United States

Immigration scholars have noted the rise of a distinctive discourse concerning immigrants in the United States. The ‘immigrant threat’ discourse is said to portray immigrants as an existential threat to the country and contributes to highly restrictive enforcement policies. Through a close examination of national political debates concerning comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) (2005–2007), the paper shows that most politicians involved in this debate (from liberal Democrats to conservative Republicans) agreed with the basic assumptions of this general discourse. But the paper also identifies important variants on the ‘threat’ discourse and associated strategies. Hardline conservatives stressed that the essential ‘illegalness’ of immigrants posed a threat to the country. Protecting the nation state from this threat required policies to totally banish all undocumented immigrants from the country, irrespective of their ‘good’ conduct or exceptional circumstances. Moderate and liberal reform advocates agreed with the idea that undocumented immigrants posed a threat to the country. However, they believed that banishment alone could not address the threat. Instead they advocated a strategy of risk management whereby the population would be differentiated according to levels of risk (high to low priority) and policies of inclusion and exclusion would be adjusted accordingly. This would allow the government to incorporate low risk/priority immigrants while freeing government resources to target the ‘truly threatening’ groups (i.e., criminals, delinquents, homeless, repeat unauthorized entries, etc.). Thus, while both sides conceded that undocumented immigrants were a threat to the country, they developed important variants on the discourse and contrasting policy solutions to exert control over the population.     

Introduction: the body as a site for politics: citizenship and practices of contemporary slavery

This special issue of Citizenship Studies brings the meaning of citizenship into dialogue with recent work on the body and with practices of contemporary slavery. In bringing the concepts of citizenship, bodies and slavery into collision, we highlight the need to couple slavery with possibilities of citizenship as an alternative to the way in which, as Paddy McQueen below puts it, ‘citizenship and slavery are mutually exclusive: one can be either a citizen or a slave, not both’. Recent ideas about the body as a site for politics, where the body is understood in terms of embodied relationality in a situation – a necessarily social category – are a means for bringing about a richer encounter between the concepts of citizenship understood as political subjectivity (as developed in the work of Engin Isin), bodies and slavery. Practices of slavery deny relationality, based instead on a binary master/slave logic of power relations. This introduction connects citizenship with slavery, by identifying citizenship as embodied political subjectivity and slavery as one of the conditions in which the very possibility of this is denied. Taking embodied relationality into account, recognising the necessarily social embodiment of concepts and abjuring an abstract, disembodied sphere of concepts, thus disrupts the standard understanding of slavery as rights violations.     

Private association and public brand: the dualistic conception of political parties in the common law world

This paper examines the legal conception of political parties. It does so by unearthing the history and ontology of the common law relating to political parties in international perspective. The flexibility of the unincorporated association, in which parties are understood through the private law of contract as networks of internal rules or agreements, rather than as legal entities, has proven to be a mask. In the common law’s imagination, the ideal party is a ground-up organization animated by its membership. But the law mandates no such thing, and in its statutory and constitutional conception intra-party democracy may be sublimated as parties need be no more than an electoral persona or brand.     

建设廉洁政治:从理念到实践

党的十八大报告提出"建设廉洁政治",意义重大。廉洁政治,就是不以权谋私的政治。在社会主义中国,干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明,共同构成廉洁政治建设的基本形态。作为具有典型意义的实践探索,延安时期和建国初期的廉洁政治建设对当前有重要的镜鉴价值。建设廉洁政治的实践路径:要稳妥推进政治体制改革,化解权力过于集中的风险;走中国特色反腐倡廉道路,树立廉政自觉与自信;贯彻党的群众路线,发挥群众在廉政建设中的主体作用;加快构建完善的国家廉政体系,形成严密的反腐铁笼;深化反腐败体制机制与机构改革,激发反腐败活力;开展学习和实践党章活动,维护党章的权威性和严肃性。     

Guide to Authors

正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on China’s diplomacy,international politics and international relations under     

All aboard? Scottish and Welsh multi-level voting; competence,leadership and blame-attribution

ABSTRACT

Scotland and Wales went to the polls on the same day in 2016, the former in a post- independence referendum environment and the latter shortly after receiving further devolved powers. Despite this horizontal simultaneity, the results in these elections displayed considerable diversity. Sub-state elections are often classified as second-order and as such are characterized by lower turnouts, anti-government voting and small party support. However regional elections in the United Kingdom sit uncomfortably in this definition. This article focuses on the experience of Scotland and Wales, exploring regional and national factors that help to explain regional electoral outcomes. It examines valence models, multi-level blame attribution, and relative national and regional party leader support. In a second stage, a multinomial logistic regression is undertaken, finding that the relative importance of regional and national factors differs between the two regions.     

Rights by Fortune or Fight? Reexamining the Addition of Sex to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act

It is widely believed that the extension of protection against employment discrimination to women through Title VII of the Civil Rights Act (CRA) was a fluke, the product of an attempted “killer amendment” by civil rights opponents gone awry. My analysis challenges this conventional wisdom, showing that the coalition of Republicans and southern Democrats in support of the sex amendment to Title VII was consistent with broader patterns of support for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) in the early to mid‐20th century. In other words, support appears to have been sincere, not sophisticated—proponents preferred a CRA with the sex amendment to one without. I proceed to show that concern about the direct impact on women, and not simply the instrumental impact on labor, played an important role in motivating this support. But, I also find reason for caution in interpreting support for workplace rights as evidence of broad support for women's rights at this time.     

虚拟社会背景下大学生政治意识表达现状与实现机制研究——基于北京航空航天大学ihome网络社区的内容分析

虚拟社会极大改变人们的知识整合方式,也对大学生政治意识表达产生重大影响.虚拟社会下大学生政治意识表达呈现三个特点,即主动性弱化、表达话语形式大众化、对“政治”一词理解的生活化和现实化以及表达内容的多样化等.在虚拟社会下要积极构建与大学生政治意识表达相适应的实现机制：一是使大学生政治意识表达主动性在现实社会的政治教育实践中得以实现;二是培育网络意见领袖,建立多层次、全方位的虚拟社会政治意识表达实现机制;三是加强虚拟社会环境治理,建设健康、安全的虚拟社会政治意识表达秩序.     

A game-theoretic perspective on Diego Gambetta's Codes of the Underworld

ABSTRACT

The term ‘neomelodic’ defines a pop-folk music genre featuring the mediascape of Naples, Southern Italy, since the late 1980s. Neomelodic songs depict the experiences of lower-class Neapolitan subjects with a preference for those engaging with the Camorra, a powerful criminal organisation that is also a major investor in the local media industries. This article constitutes an exploration of the Camorra-mediated neomelodic milieu of cultural production vis-à-vis the political landscape of the current Neapolitan social peripheries. In so doing, it ethnographically shows how the neomelodic modalities of cultural production mediate and reify local forms of organised crime hegemony vis-à-vis the discursive power of the state. Accordingly, it also demonstrates how such modalities turn the neomelodic industry into a relational infrastructure of subaltern publicity, which engenders political dynamics of personal mobility and social identity construction amid its sponsors, performers, and publics.     

试析民主党派的基层民主治理参与

民主党派基层治理参与,是中国特色社会主义民主的构成部份,有其特定和丰富的内涵。它要体现自身定位、进入具体途径、运用恰当方式,在统一战线中做到责任共担。并围绕这种参与,强化基层组织建设及相互之间合作,形成纵向贯通、横向联结的基层运行机制。