A war of perception: the struggle for legitimacy,influence and power through media in post-2001 Afghanistan

The international community and the Afghan government tout the expansion of domestic media in post-2001 Afghanistan as an indication of progress. However, much of Afghan media has been appropriated by powerful ex-warlords to expand their influence and maintain their grip on power. Jamiat-e Islami and Hezb-e Islami – former jihadist groups who continue to wield considerable political influence within the country – are fierce rivals currently wielding their affiliated media outlets to wage a propaganda war against each other. Each seeks to justify its own right to power and to delegitimize the opponent – ratcheting up tension in a country whose future after 2014 remains precarious and uncertain. This study examines the media campaign of each group, analyzing the salient narratives in their media messages, the intended audiences of these narratives, and what the narratives tell us about the intents and concerns of each group.     

Yucatecan–Mexican Relations at the Time of Independence: The Yucatecan Pronunciamiento of 1821

This article will explore local Yucatecan politicking and the Yucatecan–Mexican relationship at the time of independence, using Yucatán's pronunciamiento for independence in September 1821 as a case study. This examination will highlight the fact that, while local ambitions played a significant role in Yucatán's bid for independence, this did not necessarily detract from Yucatecans' attempts to not only engage with national political movements, but also to unite with Mexico. This in turn will take further historians' recent attempts to revise the traditional perception of Yucatán as one of the more pro‐autonomous and isolated states of early nineteenth‐century Mexico.     

对“政治建校”的四维解读

“政治建校”理念是一个内涵丰富的概念,深入理解这一概念需要从四个方面展开：一是“政治建校”的理论表达；二是“政治建校”制度体现；三是“政治建校”的器物呈现；四是“政治建校”的实践展现.     

Don't air your dirty laundry: Party leadership contests and parliamentary election outcomes

Staging an open contest is a democratic method to choose a party leader, though its electoral consequences remain unclear. I argue that leadership contests are electorally detrimental to governing parties. Competitive contests signal intraparty policy and/or personality conflict to voters, which damages governing parties’ perceived unity as well as competence in the policy-making process. Thus, leadership contests undermine governing parties’ performances in parliamentary elections. Moreover, since voters evaluate governing parties’ record in office more than their rhetoric, unlike opposition parties, they cannot repair the image of incompetence/disunity by reshaping their rhetoric and/or policy direction. This implies that leadership contests damage governing parties’ electoral prospects more than they do to opposition parties’ electoral performances. Results from statistical testing with original data from 14 countries support my argument. In addition, these results are not endogenous to the contests’ timing; degree of competitiveness; leadership selection rules; whether or not the incumbent retains office; norms of contests; or how predecessors left office. These findings underscore the need to investigate the relationship between intraparty dynamics and election outcomes.     

I Do,Thou Shalt Not: Religious Opposition to Same‐Sex Marriage in Britain

Proposals to legalise same‐sex marriage have provoked one of the most high‐profile and controversial political debates in recent years. The plans, being introduced by the governments at Westminster and Holyrood, have divided political and public opinion and have attracted widespread opposition from religious groups. However, while religious attitudes to homosexuality are shaped by theological concerns, religious justifications have been largely absent from the case against same‐sex marriage. Instead, religious groups have presented their arguments in secular terms centred on tradition, social utility, democratic values and the threat to religious rights and freedoms. This particular framing of the issue reflects processes of secularisation, a growing use of identity politics and the composition of religious groups themselves.     

Playing with Information: The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the Russian Press

This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics.     

中国政党制度创造性价值探究

当代中国政党制度是马克思主义基本原理同中国具体国情相结合的产物。它不仅具有政党和政党制度的一般特点,而且具有其他政党制度所没有的独特的政治优势和价值,是适合中国国情的一项基本政治制度,是中国社会主义民主政治的重要组成部分。     

构建以税收的人性化色彩为表征的中国公民社会

税收源于社会 ,也终将造就一个更加文明的社会和一个更为强盛的国家 ,但这个进度取决于税收的人性化程度。回复公民的纳税人身份 ,变被动公民为主动公民 ,提升公民的纳税人意识 ,以提升政府官员的公仆意识 ,这是构建一个成熟的中国公民社会的要旨所在。     

高校思想政治教育工作新论

高校思想政治工作应当根据国内外环境的新变化,采取新的对策,才能与时俱进.本文详细地分析了西方意识形态、文化价值观念以及信息网络环境对高校思想政治工作所产生的深刻影响.针对当代大学生思想的新特点,认为思想政治工作者必须在提高自身素质的前提下,转变观念、拓展渠道,在创新机制上突出以人为本、情感教育,才能开创高校思想政治教育工作的新局面.     

试析韩国的政治粉丝社团现象

以特定政治人为核心聚合起来的粉丝社团是韩国政党政治的新现象,在近十年的发展中对推动韩国政党政治发展发挥了重要作用。政治粉丝社团中,文化共享型与个人追随型社团政治色彩相对淡薄,而政党支援型、运动支援型等政治倾向型社团有着强烈的政治色彩,发挥着类政党的作用。年轻人的政治心理、政党有意推动、轰动效应、政治偏好、市民社会的发展是政治粉丝社团的成因。在政治生活中,这些社团发挥着宣传工具、党内制衡、代言工具和政治后备军的作用。同时,粉丝社团在发挥着政治"造星"功用的同时,也因过度竞争和论功行赏等试图影响政治的消极面而备受质疑。