马克思主义经典作家的代议制思想

社会主义代议制政治理论来源于马克思主义经典作家的代议制思想。经典作家的代议制思想既有对资本主义代议制的批判,也有对社会主义代议制的论述和要求。经典作家的代议制思想贯穿了一个鲜明的主题,即社会主义代议制优越于资本主义代议制,因此其必然取代后者。尤其值得强调的是,经典作家无论是对资本主义代议制的批判还是对社会主义代议制的论述,都体现了阶级性——政治性——科学性的高度统一。认真学习经典作家的代议制思想,人们对如何认识和建设社会主义代议制会得到重要启示。     

Do voters affect or elect policies? A new perspective, with evidence from the U.S. Senate

Using quasi-experimental evidence from close elections, Lee et al. (2004) - henceforth LMB - argue competition for voters in U.S. House elections does not affect policy positions, as incumbent Senate candidates do not vote more extremely if elected than non-incumbents. Despite stronger electoral competition and greater legislative independence, similar results, shown here, hold for the Senate. Yet, the hypothesis that voters do not affect policies conflicts with how Senators moderate their positions prior to their next election. LMB-style estimates appear to be biased downwards as junior members of Congress prefer to vote more extremely than senior members, independently of their electoral strength. Corrected estimates are more favorable to the hypothesis that candidates moderate their policy choices in response to electoral competition.     

Multiple imaginations of the state: understanding a mobile conflict about justice and accountability from the perspective of Assyrian–Syriac communities

This article examines how the struggle for the recognition of genocide in the twentieth century opens up a political space which, on the one hand, generates historical discourses and imaginaries about the categories of victim and perpetrator and, on the other hand, redefines relationships between the state and its minority citizens. Genocide becomes a ‘critical event’, in the sense of Veena Das, that citizens from different ethnic, social and religious backgrounds use to express their positions concerning the repressive state practices they have been victims of. This expression creates a collective space of solidarity where parties support each other by adopting similar strategies in the struggle for state accountability. At the same time, it opens up a space for negotiation among the state, minority citizens and migrant communities regarding claims to rights and justice.     

中国能动司法理论的宪政逻辑

法律职业化理论和司法能动理论是对中国司法发展道路的不同探索理论。中国能动司法理论的可能宪政逻辑是:民族国家之间的激烈竞争、司法社会主义特色的塑造、司法服务于政治、转型时期需要司法快速做出回应等。能动司法理论宪政逻辑的合理之处在于它是从中国国情、中国民众的社会需求出发而不是西方的现行司法理论出发去论证自己的合理性。但中国能动司法理论始终面临着司法规律的普适性、政治统摄司法抑或司法控制政治、法律是统治工具抑或法律具有自身价值等理论追问。中国能动司法宪政逻辑面临的困境是政治系统和法律系统相对分立而引发的社会结构性危机。通过论争来寻求更多的政治共识,对中国司法发展道路的探索具有重要意义。     

The latent politicization of Alevism: the affiliation between Alevis and leftist politics (1960–1980)

Abstract

Traditional Alevism, which was based on rural/isolated life started to dissolve as a result of urbanization in the 1960s and the 1970s. The social dynamics of Turkey associated the dissolution of archaic Alevism with political mobilization that Turkey experienced in the same period; therefore, the Alevis affiliated themselves with socialist movements in order to participate into political process more efficiently. This article analyses the affiliation between Alevis and socialist movements within the framework of the overlap between the socio-political culture of the Alevis and the political needs of the socialist movements in the 1960s and the 1970s. This affiliation might be followed in Alevi folk songs, squatter settlements, villages and the massacres that Alevis suffered in the late 1970s. Because the relation between the Alevis and socialist movements meant not the politicization of the Alevism as an independent politics of identity, but rather the politicization of Alevis through their affiliation with leftist politics, this article conceptualizes the politicization dynamism of the Alevism between 1960 and 1980 as latent politicization.     

Cooking the Goose: Fiji's Coup Culture Contextualised

Abstract

In the 40 years since Fiji became independent, there has been no shortage of perspectives from which to frame its development: its colonial past, its dual status as a Third World and Pacific island state, and, most pervasively perhaps, race conflict. This article focuses on another perspective: the failure of ethnic Fijian leaders to democratise their community politically and economically. Its consequences for the country have been long-standing and lie behind Fiji's developing coup culture     

Do voters reward rebellion? The electoral accountability of MPs in Britain

To hold their Members of Parliament individually accountable for their legislative behaviour, British voters would need to base their decision to vote for an MP at least partially on the extent to which the MP's legislative voting behaviour deviated from that of the MP's party leadership. Voters should evaluate this deviation contingent on their views of the party leadership. MP rebellion can signal that voter–MP congruence is greater than that of the voter and the MP's party leadership. In this article it is found that only constituents with negative attitudes toward the Labour government reward rebellious Labour MPs, albeit to a limited extent. A similar conditional association is not observed on a single issue: Iraq. The policy accountability of MPs is relatively weak and general rather than issue‐specific.     

网络时代的政治传播研究

随着网络技术的飞速发展,网络对政治传播产生着巨大的影响。一方面,作为政治传播的推进器,它为政治传播提供了新的传播媒介,使草根一族获得了政治传播的话语权,使双向互动的政治传播模式得到极大发挥;另一方面,网络在给政治传播带来推动作用的同时,也带来了如政治流言泛滥、政治传播者的权威受到挑战、政治传播的监管难度加大等问题。为此,要加强对网络时代政治传播的引导和监管,加强网络立法,提高广大网民的政治传播素养,使网络更好地为政治传播服务。     

Becoming black,becoming president

ABSTRACT

Speculation about the relationship between Barack Obama's election to the presidency and race in the United States was rife prior to, during and after his successful campaign. King looks at three aspects of this issue. First, as a kind of outsider, Obama had to prove himself black enough for African Americans of the traditional sort and not too dangerous for Whites. How did he achieve this? Second, Obama's election was made possible by changes in the voting behaviour of white Americans, particularly in the North, and the way that African Americans like Obama gained a foothold in, and at times control of, urban political machines, such as, in his case, Chicago. How have American historians treated this shift in white voting behaviour? Finally, the central question of how race still impinges on President Obama's performance as president. King concludes with a look at issues such as colour blindness and whiteness, the nature of black political identity and solidarity, and the variety of political roles from which a black leader such Obama can choose.