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71.
经过 2 0年的改革开放 ,广东的经济和社会发展的各个方面都取得了巨大成就。然而 ,面对新的世纪 ,机遇与挑战同在。广东能否在全国率先基本实现现代化 ,不负党中央的期望 ,这是很值得我们去深思和努力的  相似文献   
72.
新媒体是继报刊、广播、电视等传统媒体后发展起来的新的媒体形态,相比过去传统媒体对法院舆论监督的时代,新媒体时代对法院的舆论监督形式多样,技术更高,监督更加直接,其影响范围更广,程度更深。面对新媒体时代,很多法院尚不适应,在新的信息时代条件下如何应对舆论监督是法院当前与今后相当时期的重要课题。  相似文献   
73.
根据党章和《村组法》规定,农村基层党组织在村民自治活动中具有核心领导地位是不可质疑的,然而,当众多专家学者着重研究如何处理农村基层党组织和群众性自治组织的关系时,在部分贫困村却是另外一种境况:由于经济不发达等原因,基层党组织的核心领导地位被严重削弱,村民自治组织也呈涣散状态。文中从农村集体经济、党的自身建设、后备干部培养等方面提出了贫困村村民自治存在的主要问题,并提出了相关的应对措施。  相似文献   
74.
入世既是机遇又是挑战,如何面对这种双重考验,本文结合学院发展实际,回顾历史,面对现实,展望未来,以解放思想,更新观念,深化改革为切入点,对学院在新形势下如何应对入世挑战,抢抓机遇发展,进行了全方位的分析,提出了以学历教育求生存,以干部培训谋发展,以强化科研工作上档次、造影响,以改革为动力支持的发展新思路。  相似文献   
75.
改革开放以来,农村基层党组织在贯彻落实党的方针政策,组织和带领群众脱贫致富,维护农村稳定中发挥了重要作用,取得了不小成绩。但由于受市场经济冲击等因素的影响,一些农村的基层党组织失去原有的号召力、领导力,党的先进性、纯洁性难以得到充分体现。为此,要采取发展壮大集体经济,夯实基层党组织执政能力的物质基础;建立健全机制,夯实基层党组织执政能力的组织基础;坚持务实为民,夯实基层党组织执政能力的群众基础;加大教育培训力度,夯实基层党组织执政能力的思想基础等措施,加强基层党组织建设,进一步发挥基层党组织在建设美丽乡村中的核心作用。  相似文献   
76.
正DATA available on the world’s two largest economies,China and the U.S.,for 2013provide an opportunity to take stock of China’s immediate economic prospects and the more general challenges facing its economic development strategy.  相似文献   
77.
Electronic voting entered the political arena some years ago, with some countries advocating its use, some countries trialling and then abandoning it and yet others preferring to preserve the status quo of paper‐and‐pencil voting within a voting booth. In this paper we present the pros and cons of electronic voting and propose a set of characteristics we think electronic voting systems should exhibit. We then briefly review some pertinent concerns, issues and worries. We conclude by introducing the Handivote system, an electronic voting system that supports voting by means of SMS messaging, and explain how it measures up in terms of our own specified characteristics.  相似文献   
78.
ABSTRACT

Auvergne Doherty was the first woman from the Commonwealth to be admitted and called to the Bar of England and Wales.?In the first part of this article, Doherty's family background, education, legal training, and post-Bar experiences are set out. The second part analyses her profile compared with the other women called to the Bar in 1922 and considers why Doherty may not have gone on to practise as a barrister. This article argues that Doherty’s biography is important because it evidences how vital it was to have the necessary financial means and networks to be able to forget a career at the Bar. It was precisely the lack of these factors that impeded Doherty to fulfil her career as a barrister.  相似文献   
79.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):21-53
This paper explores empirically how domestic political and economic challenges affect political leaders’ propensity to respond with the use of force at home and abroad. The foreign policy and world politics literatures are replete with references to leaders’ alleged use of external conflict when confronted with domestic challenges, but rarely consider domestic responses to dissent or the role of interstate threats. Comparative research on repression primarily focuses on linkages between domestic challenges and leaders’ resort to repressive policies, but ignores international alternatives. Neither literature considers the influence of external threats and opportunity structures on resort to use of force and coercion at home and abroad. Alternatively, we contend that foreign conflict and repression are complementary and potentially interchangeable policies that leaders may use to maintain political power in the face of domestic pressure. We hypothesize that the level of domestic political constraints conditions the opportunity and likelihood of selecting either repression or foreign conflict in response to domestic challenges. Since the ability to capitalize on external conflict involvement in all likelihood is not independent of international opportunity structures, we explicitly address differences in the availability of historical interstate animosity. We test our hypotheses on resort to repression and external dispute involvement on a global sample of political leaders for the period 1948–82. Our results indicate that repression and external conflict involvement appear to be largely independent and driven by different challenges: While there is some evidence that domestic conflict increases the likelihood of disputes and that external threat may promote repression, there is little support for the idea of direct substitution in kind since leaders frequently combine both dispute involvement and repression.  相似文献   
80.
"中国模式"是与"欧美模式"相比较而提出来的。讨论"中国模式"直接的意义在于找出中国改革发展的主体特征,以使"中国模式"成为一种稳定的制度形态。从新制度经济学的视角来看,"中国模式"作为一种制度变迁模式的战略选择,它的主体特征可以从三个方面去理解:一是在变迁路径层面,选择了演进理性的变迁方式;二是在宪法秩序层面,完成了宪政的平稳过渡;三是在文化规范层面,实现了传统文化的现代性转化。这三个特征是中国改革发展取得显著成果的重要原因,但"中国模式"同时也面临诸多挑战。  相似文献   
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