Public–Private Partnerships in Health in Malaysia: Lessons for Policy Implementation

The government of Malaysia, an early and enthusiastic supporter of the concept of privatization of public services, can also be considered as being highly supportive of more recent strategies such as “public–private partnerships” (PPPs) in the delivery of social services. It established a Public–Private Partnership Unit (UKAS) in 2011. This discussion of Malaysia’s experience with health care PPPs is based on a literature review. The record is mixed, with successes and failures. Critical factors for success include regulation, transparency, clear policy guidance and clarity on operational procedures and responsibilities, proper evaluation mechanisms, sustained financial support, especially for NGO partners, and unwavering commitment from policy-makers.     

Commentary: Promising answers,and the next generation of questions

The papers in this special issue will be immensely valuable in taking forward the agenda of research, practice and theory construction in the field of offender rehabilitation. Some have consolidated existing knowledge in specific areas and analysed its potential implications. Others have identified the key points at issue in the debate between different models of the rehabilitation process. Still others have explored or developed a number of relatively neglected matters, including the delivery of treatment within a coercive framework; the role of labelling in change and desistance processes; the importance of the therapeutic alliance in offence-focused work; and reconceptualisation of the responsivity principle within the framework of therapeutic jurisprudence. The present paper extracts some further principal themes from the spectrum of issues raised. Discussion of these is grouped under the four headings of theory construction, evidence accumulation, practical implementation, and ethical and political dimensions.     

The expansion of the nuclear family unit in Great Britain between 1910 and 1920

This article deals with the evolution of the image of the individual and of family structure within every social class in Great Britain between 1910 and 1920, not only because of the influence of the Great War but also of the effect of new social legislative steps taken by the Radical Liberal government. Its essential findings are that the power of males declined in the aristocracy when they were faced, on the one hand, by the increasing attention and concern for children, and on the other hand, by the social, cultural, moral, and political part played by mothers within smaller working- and middle-class family units. Such units were regarded as the crucible for the regeneration and strengthening of the whole British society.     

Criminal heterarchy and its critics: governance and the making of insecurity in Colombia

ABSTRACT

The FARC, Colombia’s oldest and biggest guerrilla organisation, has long been constructed as the country’s public enemy number one, an enemy that is increasingly portrayed as an outright criminal actor who abandoned all political ambitions. This image of the FARC as a criminal threat to the Colombian state and society is central to a broader turn towards criminalisation in Colombian politics. Through the lens of a critical governance perspective and the notion of the state’s discursive selectivity this article analyses turning points during which the construction of Colombian society’s criminal enemies became a driving force in the country’s security governance. Which social forces support the implementation of criminalising forms of security governance and how? What are the social and political consequences of the latter? In answering these questions, the article argues that the war on (guerrilla) crime assumes a ‘productive’ role for Colombia’s formal democracy.     

Private sector participation in infrastructure for development

This article reflects on the variety of finance sources to African countries, including aid flows, remittances, development finance, private equity and bonds and foreign direct investment. In order to address the poverty challenge, estimated at about $66 billion annually, these finances must be applied appropriately in various economic sectors, in particular the infrastructure sectors. These include both physical assets (transport, energy, water and sanitation and information and communications) and social services (hospitals and clinics, education and low-income housing). Governments are ultimately responsible for ensuring access to infrastructure for their citizens. However, developing-country governments are unable to address the infrastructure backlogs, let alone develop new assets, especially in the least developed countries in Africa. Governments rely on alliances with international partners, development finance institutions and, importantly, the private sector. However, the rules of engagement with the private sector need to be redefined, with proper emphasis on bringing affordable yet quality access to poorer communities.     

Is regional government-governance nexus delivering on social sustainability promises? Empirical evidence from Moranbah in Australia

Social sustainability, in theory, should result in responsiveness to change, a durable sense of community trust and interdependent institutional structures. However, recent studies indicate that current sustainability efforts of regional local government are not yielding anticipated outcomes. Drawing on two social theories of Henri Lefebvre, this paper offers an empirical analysis of the ability of the government–governance nexus to deliver on social sustainability promises in Moranbah in regional Australia. Study findings revealed that the Moranbah government–governance nexus suffers from adversarial relationships between key actors that result in a distrust of politics and power, the absence of a defined governance system, community alienation, and State Government dominance and intervention. These experiences of the government–governance nexus have rendered social sustainability a distant hope for Moranbah’s residents. This paper suggests a reform in sustainability policies to improve the current situation in the case region, and theoretical propositions for future research.     

Towards a New Conceptualization of Democratization and Civil-Military Relations

The purpose of this article is to contribute to a better understanding of the contemporary importance for democracy of the relationship between elected leaders and the security forces. It attempts to present a conceptualization and framework to help comprehend what security forces actually do and how they interface with democratic governments. The article aims to extend the conceptual breadth of the literature on civil–military relations beyond control to include two further dimensions – effectiveness and efficiency. The research is based on the authors' experience in conducting programmes for officers and civilians throughout the world in line with at least six different roles and missions of security forces. The conceptualization draws on literature in comparative politics, organization theory, and defence economics, as well as civil–military relations, and security sector reform.     

Adapting violence for state survival and legitimacy: the resilience and dynamism of political repression in a democratizing South Korea*

Capacity in violence and its utilization is generally understood to be a first-order condition of the state-building process. As capacity increases and a state gains supremacy over would-be competitors, the use of violence by the state is hypothesized to decline, especially in polities that have made the democratic transition. However, we here demonstrate theoretically and empirically that the conventional wisdom is inadequate. We argue that political violence ubiquitously evolves according to the changing socio-political environment and varying tasks of the state.

Using the case of South Korea, a high-capacity, consolidated democracy, as a prism for theory building and corroboration, this study chronicles the evolution of political violence from the state’s explicit mobilization of thugs to suppress opposition at the early stage of state building through its collaboration with criminal organizations for developmental projects to the manipulation of quasi-governmental organizations after democratization in the late 1980s, coeval with the traditional use of public sources of force. We specifically look at how political development, that is, democratization, has produced new demands for – and constraints on – political violence and how post-authoritarian governments have responded.     

Small Business’ Place in the South Korean State–Society Relations

Korean small businesses have come a long way as sources of industrial power more important than heretofore credited. The nation's undemocratic dirigisme had largely slighted small businesses to the country's disadvantage. Although the government's policy bias against them started to change in the early 1980s, its support of them remained less than fully-fledged. Despite tough socio-economic conditions, however, both the first and second generation small entrepreneurs have strived to prove their self-worth as viable business enterprises and constantly—and increasingly over time—contributed to the incremental improvement of the economy. By shedding light on the little-known motivations, perceptions, and performances of the small business people, this article offers a more balanced and nuanced account of the past and present state of small businesses in the country, which provides a tentative basis for considering alternative vision for future development.     

Employer–employee relationships at Lonmin Platinum: A developing South African perspective

Abstract

More than ever, companies are confronted with the importance of developing and maintaining relationships with their strategic stakeholders, such as employees. These relationships should be aimed at balancing the interests of the company with the interests of said stakeholders. Managing relationships with stakeholders is difficult in itself and even more so within the complex context of the South African mining industry. The aim of this article is to determine guidelines that could be used to ascertain employer–employee relationship type and relationship quality in the mining sector. In 2004, a quantitative questionnaire survey was conducted with a stratified quota sample of 508 company employees as part of a commissioned stakeholder perception survey. In addition, qualitative focus-group sessions were conducted to contextualise and clarify the quantitative results. The research indicated that the employer–employee relationship at Lonmin Platinum could be classified as an exchange, rather than a communal relationship. Employees generally perceived the quality of their relationship with the company in a negative way. Employees from all job levels had low levels of trust in the company. This study contributes to a growing body of research aimed at trying to understand the nature of employer–employee relations within large companies in a developing society, where companies are faced with the challenge of communicating to and managing diverse workforces.