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31.
This study examined the relationship between limited English proficiency status, and internalizing and externalizing behaviors
among a sample of Latino/a children (N = 2,840) from the US Department of Education’s Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten (ECLS-K) data set. Results
of cross sectional regression and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analyses suggest that there is a positive relationship
between limited English proficiency and externalizing symptoms, particularly by third grade. Additionally, sex and place of
birth also helped to explain externalizing behaviors at various time points in the models. Place of birth and family poverty
were significantly associated with internalizing symptoms. Implications for future research and interventions related to internalizing
and externalizing behavior among the Latino/a school aged population are discussed.
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
Sheara A. WilliamsEmail: |
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
32.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
33.
李少虹 《长沙民政职业技术学院学报》2001,2(2):22-24
社区建设的发展和深入 ,关键在于社会工作者的自身建设。本文从六个方面论述了社区工作者与传统居委会干部的不同 ,从而确立了社区工作者的专业角色特征 相似文献
34.
Sebastian Biba 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(1):51-70
The so-called ‘nexus’ approach has recently been promoted as addressing externalities across the water, food and energy sectors, thus helping to achieve ‘water/energy/food security for all’, ‘equitable and sustainable growth’ and a ‘resilient and productive environment’. While these are noble goals, this article argues that the reality on the ground appears to be taking a different direction, at least when it comes to China and its neighbours in South and Southeast Asia. There, a new era of large-scale water infrastructure development is creating several security-related problems, which represent serious challenges to the nexus goals. These challenges include food–energy tensions, human security threats and ecological risks. These challenges can also be linked to rising friction surrounding the management of water, food and energy resources in the region. The article argues that, in order for the nexus goals to be achieved in China and the countries on its southern periphery, there must first be increased awareness of this nexus among policy-making elites. 相似文献
35.
Shabnam J. Holliday 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):917-933
Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse. 相似文献
36.
Tim Summers 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(9):1628-1643
This paper argues that the Chinese government’s ‘belt and road’ initiative – the Silk Roads vision of land and maritime logistics and communications networks connecting Asia, Europe and Africa – has its roots in sub-national ideas and practices, and that it reflects their elevation to the national level more than the creation of substantially new policy content. Further, the spatial paradigms inherent in the Silk Roads vision reveal the reproduction of capitalist developmental ideas expressed particularly in the form of networks, which themselves have become a feature of contemporary global political economy. In other words, the Silk Roads vision is more of a ‘spatial fix’ than a geopolitical manoeuvre. 相似文献
37.
Soli Vered 《Journal of Peace Education》2015,12(2):138-153
Peace education is considered a necessary element in establishing the social conditions required for promoting peace-making between rival parties. As such, it constitutes one of Israel’s state education goals, and would therefore be expected to have a significant place in Israel’s educational policy in general and in response to peace moves that have occurred during the Arab–Israeli conflict since the 1970s in particular. This article reviews the educational policy actually applied by Israel’s state education over the years as reflected in formal educational programs and school textbooks, and suggests that although some significant changes have taken place over time, there has been and still is a significant gap between the stated goal and the practice of peace education in Israel. Reasons for this disparity and its implications are discussed and possible directions are proposed for coping with this educational challenge. 相似文献
38.
Elizabeth Lewis 《Journal of Peace Education》2015,12(3):263-276
Despite the limited number of peace museums around the world, there exists an essential role for existing peace museums to promote a culture of peace and peace education. The purpose of this article was to introduce the origins, rationale, scope and work of the Tehran Peace Museum in Iran. The concept of the museum is to facilitate peace education and develop peaceful environments drawn from the personal experiences of war survivors. The museum encompasses exhibitions about the horrors of chemical and nuclear warfare and is balanced with awareness programmes, bridge-building dialogues, connections with other peace museums and a comprehensive peace education programme catering for younger and older members of society. It offers the space and opportunity for a community of learning within the museum and welcomes fresh ideas and initiatives from visitors and volunteers. The Tehran Peace Museum is unique in its body of volunteers, men and women who have been directly affected by chemical weapons. They are involved in the Veterans Voices of Peace Oral History Project and actively voice the need for creating peaceful societies in today’s world. 相似文献
39.
Carolina T. Maciel 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(4):435-450
As a sensitive area in international trade, animal welfare measures have encountered resistance in negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Consequently, alternative avenues have been pursued to reach international trade policy convergence. To further understand the contemporary trade politics of animal welfare, an empirical investigation was conducted on the interplay between European and Brazilian actors in the context of livestock production. By drawing upon diplomatic studies and the global governance literature, this study identifies and analyses initiatives that parallel the WTO approach and through which the development and implementation of mutually acceptable farm animal welfare measures have been pursued. Research findings indicate that a constellation of international non-diplomatic actors are currently engaged in influencing the future development of farm animal welfare measures. Among the initiatives that enable the alignment of European and Brazilian animal welfare policies and practices, there are soft instruments such as knowledge sharing and private standards. The rise of new actors and the use of soft instruments have been, to a certain extent, able to mitigate the tardiness of a WTO consensus regarding the use of animal welfare measures. However, there are concerns that the use of private standards has become a shortcut to circumvent the rigours of the multilateral trading system. This concern deserves a closer look because instead of paving the way, private standards may hamper trade relations which in turn hamper progress in animal welfare matters. 相似文献
40.