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541.
John Ishiyama 《Democratization》2016,23(6):969-971
ABSTRACT In this special issue of Democratization, seven articles are presented that address the question of the transformation of armed rebel groups into political parties and what implications this transformation has on the development of post-conflict peace and democratization. The articles cover a wide variety of geographic cases, and use both quantitative and qualitative methods of inquiry. 相似文献
542.
This article explains why parliamentary groups invite interest groups to the parliamentary arena. It argues that interest groups’ access to committees not only reflects policy-makers’ need for information and expertise but also party preferences and institutional factors such as the type of government, parliamentary committee structure and committee agenda capacity. Results show that interest groups’ access to the parliamentary arena increases under minority governments, in the case of highly conflictual issues, and when the number of permanent committees increases. Also, results demonstrate that parliamentary groups invite interest organisations following different logics – problem-solving or confrontation logic – depending on the type of functions they have to perform – legislative and oversight activities. The article uses a novel, comprehensive database with information on the appearances of all interest groups in the Spanish parliament from 1996 to 2015. 相似文献
543.
川东革命老区妇女群体为苏区的巩固和发展、工农红军的长征行动作出了巨大的贡献和牺牲。针对川东革命老区妇女当下生活状况,从个人基本情况、对革命老区传统的认识和认知、婚姻家庭、劳动、业余生活、女性意识状况6个方面的实地考察和问卷调查的结果表明,长期生活在川东革命老区的女性群体的当下生活正处于传统和现代生活并存并缓慢过渡的状态、多级交错状态、现代生活边缘化状态。 相似文献
544.
David Coen 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2019,25(2):278-294
This paper contributes to discussions surrounding interest group representation in the European Parliament. Drawing from conceptualizations of legitimacy, and theoretical work on information-access we argue that different procedures bestow a different type of authority to parliamentary committees affecting their legitimacy orientation, in turn impacting the balance between private and public interests mobilised. We assess a population of 10,000 accredited lobbyists, and the procedural output across the 7th legislature’s committees (2009–2014). Our analysis indicates that committees with a higher ratio of Ordinary Legislative Procedures to Own Initiative Reports see greater private interest mobilisation. Conversely, in committees where the procedures’ ratios are inverse we observe greater public interest mobilisation. Theoretically, we provide a novel approach for framing the committee’s nature from a procedural perspective, bridging discussions on interest group mobilisation and the democratic deficit. Empirically, the results overturn the premise of business dominance across the institution’s committees through a unique dataset. 相似文献
545.
Mia Callegari 《Frontiers of Law in China》2019,14(4):533
This paper provides an overview of the evolution of the harmonization process of European law in the field of group of companies, referring to the development of a national “group of companies law” — from the company law reform to the crisis and insolvency code — with the purpose of examining the main aspects of the regulation in force, considering mainly the possible interaction with the rules on the crisis of the groups of companies introduced by the Legislative Decree No. 14/2019, and with the aim of analyzing its suitability for being devoted to the prospect of harmonization across countries. 相似文献
546.
Naomi Smoot 《Juvenile & family court journal》2019,70(3):45-60
On December 21, 2018, the Juvenile Justice Reform Act was signed into law, marking the first update in 16 years to the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974, as amended. The reforms reflect much of the knowledge that has been gained through research and science over the past decade and strengthen the Act’s core protections for youth in the juvenile justice system. The changes also expand the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention’s role in research, and technical assistance, and provide for additional oversight for related programs. 相似文献
547.
Parliamentary party group leaders (PPG leaders) are crucial – yet understudied – actors in modern representative democracies. Inspired by the literature on parliamentary roles, we test a deductive approach in order to explore the attitudes and behaviours of PPG leaders. Given their common duties, such as monitoring group members and securing party cohesion, we expect that PPG leaders across several countries would exhibit a common pattern that distinguishes them from other MPs. However, neither a common, nor a distinguished pattern of attitudes and behaviour is confirmed by our results based on Partirep MP Survey data. This, together with other theoretical difficulties, points us to the need to study PPG leaders’ roles by using in-depth single-country studies. 相似文献
548.
关于维护企业弱势群体合法权益的思考 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
姚汉冲 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2001,15(6):54-57
由于竞争机制的逐步建立和社会利益关系的不断调整 ,国有企业职工内部在经济收入 ,社会地位等方面都发生了明显变化 ,出现弱势群体。在这种情况下 ,工会必须关注弱势群体 ,切实维护他们的合法权益。 相似文献
549.
Ana Natalucci 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(3):372-384
The mass protests of December 2001 were a turning point in Argentine politics. However, their effects in the mid- to long term have been less clear. This article argues that the 2001 crisis had two distinct consequences. The first, which was expected and immediate, was the stimulus given to left-wing grassroots organisations. The other, unexpected and deferred, was the revitalisation of right-wing collectives in subsequent years. The article uses a multiple technique approach. 相似文献
550.
As the Covid-19 pandemic began, initial reports suggested that armed groups would seize the opportunity to expand their control over territory and civilians. However, drawing on an original survey of local security officials responsible for monitoring armed group behaviour in Colombia, we find little evidence of significant shifts in the presence or behaviour of political or criminal groups. Contrary to prevailing expectations, we also find that armed group governance is common in areas contested by multiple groups. Our findings shed new light on armed group adaptation to shocks, and challenge the assumption that territorial control is a prerequisite for governance. 相似文献