授权立法的位阶探讨

我国应在制度上明确授权立法的位阶应与被授权机关制定的法文件的位阶相同。原因在于授权立法权是没权机关转移于被授权机关的;授权立法具有法律效力,不等于其位阶与法律相同;即使西方国家行政机关根据授权制定的法文件,与议会制定的法律位阶也不相同;经过授权机关批准的授权立法也不具有与授权机关制定的法文件相同的位阶;不能因为国务院根据特别授权制定的法文件需要报全国人大常委会备案,就认为它具有与法律相同的位阶。     

中国非关税措施立法初论

本文在说明非关税措施一般理论的基础上,针对我国现行的非关税措施立法实际情况,主要说明了我国在此问题上的缺失,进而提出了改进的学理性建议。     

日本护理保险法析议

20 0 0年日本开始实施的护理保险法是其社会保障制度改革的开始 ,确立了日本新的护理保险制度体系。人口老龄化是迫使日本政府完善这一制度的重要前提。日本的护理保险制度是独立于其它社会保险的一种制度 ,它有一套比较完善的体系。与以往相比 ,其重大意义在于 :实现了护理社会化 ,导入了社会保险方式 ,解决了社会住院问题     

论流质契约的解禁

流质契约虽有可能造成担保设定人与担保权人利益失衡以及损害担保设定人之其他债权人的利益之弊端,但是,其也具有促使债务人及时偿还债务以及降低担保权实现的交易成本等优点。我国未来《物权法》应承认流质契约,这不仅是尊重当事人意思自治的需要,也是实现担保权价值取向统一的需要,还是排除创设新型担保权之障碍的需要。在未来《物权法》承认流质契约的同时,应当运用现行法的规定和创设新的合理方法处理好对担保设定人及担保设定人的其他债权人的利益保护问题。     

中国贿赂犯罪立法与《联合国反腐败公约》之比较

中国贿赂犯罪刑事立法与《联合国反腐败公约》在行贿方式、行贿罪的目的要件等的规定上具有契合性,在行贿人的刑事责任、贿赂的内容、外国公职人员或者国际公共组织官员贿赂犯罪的规定等问题上具有差异性。     

侵占罪的管辖问题探讨

根据现行法律规定,公安机关对侵占罪没有管辖权,但可接受被害人的报案并可依法采取一定的紧急措施。检察院对侵占罪没有公诉权,它对被害人的代为告诉仍然没有脱离自诉程序的范围。法院对于检察院提起公诉的侵占案件不应当开庭审理,而应建议检察院撤回起诉。建议增加“在特定情形下公安机关可以对侵占罪行使管辖权”的法律规定。     

也谈对环境的损害——欧盟《预防和补救环境损害的环境责任指令》的启示

欧盟于2004年3月通过了一项预防和补救环境损害的环境责任指令,鲜明地将"环境损害"这一定义规定在该指令中,并且针对环境损害规定一系列预防和补救措施,具有较强的前瞻性和现代性.审视国内相关理论和立法,具有一定的滞后和欠缺.鉴于环境立法具有相当强的可借鉴性,围绕该指令进行相关理论和立法上的探讨.     

A Tale of Three Cities: Electoral Accountability in Indonesian Local Politics

In Indonesia, local government is endowed with important policy prerogatives and local politics is key to advance social welfare. The literature on Indonesian local politics has convincingly exposed serious limitations in local democratic practices, and it has questioned the ability of local democracy to promote genuine political change. This work, however, predominantly focuses on elite politics and specific forms of accountability based on patronage and clientelism. In this paper, we study democratic accountability in Indonesia from a different perspective. Drawing from the comparative literature on voting behavior, we hypothesize that Indonesian voters evaluate local politicians for their performance, and that they vote to reward or punish them for what they do in office. The analysis of three original surveys conducted in the cities of Medan, Samarinda and Surabaya offers partial support for this argument. While there is a positive relationship between evaluations of local government performance and support for incumbents, the strength of this link varies substantially across individuals and cities. The results shed new light on voter-politician linkages in Indonesia, suggesting that forms of accountability different from clientelism may emerge in this large and diverse country.     

The Narrow Margins of the Dutch Drug Policy: A Cost-Benefit Analysis

In order to introduce more structure to the debate it seems worthwhile to make a rough cost-benefit analysis of the probable effects of the Dutch drug policy in various areas. A multi-disciplinary analysis of this nature makes it possible to bring together the arguments put forward by the protagonists from various perspectives and to some extent balance them against each other. In a traditional cost-benefit analysis the anticipated effects are assessed in financial terms. This is only possible to a very limited extent when it comes to drug policy. The article is limited to cataloguing as fully as possible the most significant pros and cons of the Dutch drug policy found in the literature on the subject. As a conclusion attention is paid to whether changes such as decriminalisation or re-criminalisation of drug use will yield a better cost-benefit analysis against the background of this overview.     

Playing the Vertical Power Game: The Impact of Local Authorities in Cantonal Parliaments on the Financing of Special Schools

This study analyses the effect of local authorities in the Swiss cantonal parliaments on the allocation of special school costs. The empirical findings show that a higher share of local authorities in the cantonal legislature leads to a higher share of special school costs borne by the cantonal authorities. The effect is stronger for mayors compared to all members of local governments. Hence, mayors have a strong connection with their home municipality and use the political power of the accumulation of mandates for shifting undesirable costs from the local up to the cantonal level. This specific finding does not depend on the overall national constitutional framework, as the introduction of the NFA (Neuer Finanzausgleich) – in the course of which the federal state fully withdrew from financing special schools ‐ has not changed the magnitude of this effect.