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941.
目的 调查中国武汉地区汉族人群STR基因座—D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7、D1 2S391基因频率分布和群体遗传数据。方法 从 2 0 8个汉族无关个体收集血液标本 ,应用PCR技术及聚丙烯酰胺凝胶垂直板电泳对D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座分型。结果 D3S1 358检出 7个等位基因和 4 1个基因型。三基因座基因型分布符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡。观察 2 31次减数分裂均未发现突变基因。另外 ,调查结果计算显示D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座的杂合度 (H)分别为 0 70 98、 0 80 56和 0 84 0 0 ;三个人识别能力 (DP)分别为 0 851 6、 0 9332和 0 952 3;非父排除率 ( pE)分别为 0 4 463、 0 60 1 6和 0 681 8。结论 D3S1 358、D1 3S31 7和D1 2S391基因座在群体遗传学研究和法医学亲子鉴定及个人识别中具有较高实用价值 相似文献
942.
以替唑尼特为检测对象,建立了一种检测山羊组织中替唑尼特残留的液相色谱-串联质谱分析方法。样品经正己烷脱脂、乙腈提取,收集提取液于60℃水浴氮气吹干,乙腈溶解,经0.22μm微孔滤膜过滤后,采用多反应监测模式进行分析。结果显示,对于肝样品,替唑尼特在0.25~25μg/kg范围内线性关系良好(r20.99),检测限和定量限分别为0.1μg/kg和0.25μg/kg;对于肾、肌肉、脂肪样品,替唑尼特在0.1~25μg/kg范围内线性关系良好(r20.99),检测限和定量限依次为0.05μg/kg,0.1μg/kg;0.025μg/kg,0.05μg/kg;0.025μg/kg,0.05μg/kg。结果表明,该方法操作简单,灵敏度高,适用于山羊组织中替唑尼特残留量的检测。 相似文献
943.
This article examines the decision‐making process leading to the new constitutional articles on education in Switzerland. It analyzes how actors from both state levels (Confederation and cantons) could reach consensus in a process that was prone to a “joint‐decision trap”. To that end, we hypothesize which factors may be conducive to a “problem‐solving” style of policy‐making in a compulsory negotiation system. Rich empirical material from various sources supports our theoretical arguments: We show that shared beliefs and a common frame of reference, the procedural separation between constitutional and distributional issues, neutral brokers, and informal structures were all beneficial to the success of the reform project. 相似文献
944.
Pascal Sciarini 《Swiss Political Science Review》2010,16(3):373-402
While the bulk of the literature focuses on the vote for parties from different blocs, the purpose of our article is to study the vote for two parties that are ideologically very close to each other: The Social Democrats and the Greens in Switzerland. To that end, we develop a two‐step model, where voters first make a selection of parties that are acceptable to them and then make their electoral choice out of this set of acceptable alternatives. We use voting propensities as a measure of the first, consideration step and we show that they strongly depend on the distance between voters and parties on the Left–Right scale. With regard to the second, choice stage of the electoral process we hypothesize about the factors that may account for the varying ability of the two parties to convert potential voters into real voters. Our empirical tests provide encouraging support for our hypotheses regarding the impact of socio‐demographic variables and issue voting. Strategic considerations, by contrast, do not seem to matter. 相似文献
945.
946.
生物检材中吗啡类生物碱的LC-MS/MS分析 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
目的针对滥用药物分析鉴定实践中亟待解决的问题,开展LC-MS/MS分析生物检材中吗啡类生物碱的应用研究。方法满足不同的鉴定需要,分别建立血液、尿液、唾液和头发等生物检材的样品前处理方法,确定同时分析海洛因、单乙酰吗啡、吗啡、可待因、乙酰可待因、二氢可待因酮和氢吗啡酮等吗啡类生物碱的LC-MS/MS方法。将方法应用于实际案例。结果所建立的方法对吗啡类生物碱分离良好。尿液稀释法、尿液提取法和头发中吗啡的最低检测限(LOD)分别为10ng/mL、0.01ng/mL和0.01ng/mg。结论所建立的方法简便、快速、特异性强、灵敏度高。目标物中加入二氢可待因酮和氢吗啡酮扩大了方法的实用范围。 相似文献
947.
固相萃取/LC-MS/MS测定尿液中吗啡类药物 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
目的 建立尿液中吗啡类药物的固相萃取/LC—MS/MS方法。方法采用OASIS MCX3cc(60mg)固相萃取柱进行提取,应用LC—MS/MS方法进行检测,运用保留时间和MRM方式对尿液中吗啡类药物及其代谢物进行定性定量分析。结果磷酸盐缓冲液pH4.0时,海洛因、6-MAM、可待因、吗啡、M3G的固相萃取回收率分别达64.33%-70.21%,96.95%~117.57%,83.60%~123.63%,68.82%~91.03%,94.64%~107.33%;最低检测限(LOD)分别为5、10、5、5、2pg,线性范围0.005~10μg/mL;相关系数分别为0.9998、0.9958、0.9992、0.9994、0.9997。结论本文所建方法,适用于尿液中吗啡类药物的分析。 相似文献
948.
The article investigates recent health reforms and reform attempts in Switzerland. A substantial reform, the revision of the health insurance law in 1994, is followed by a long period of refused reform proposals and incremental change. In order to explain policy change and policy stability in health policies, we apply veto‐player theory to partisan and parliamentary debates on reform proposals of the health insurance from the end of the 1980s until today. Shifts in ideological positions of parties, especially with regard to the objective of solidarity, allowed for a new win‐set in the 1990s that was at the base of the law revision. Since then, the win‐set is empty as parties did not change their preferences. New and substantial reforms will only be possible, it is concluded, if the pivot player, the Christian‐democratic party, changes its ideological positions to a significant extent. 相似文献
949.
Although the use of strategic planning has become widespread in INGDOs they have often been accused of strategic drift—continuous change in their strategic directions with plans only loosely coupled to their activities. However, the way that they prioritize their activities, and the reasons why strategic drift occurs has generally escaped in‐depth research. This article draws on detailed, qualitative research of strategic planning meetings at the executive levels in a major INGDO, carried out between July 2006 and December 2007 to identify the reasons why strategic drift occurs and the role of strategic planning. It was found that by deliberately crafting multiple, ambiguous, and ambitious strategies, managers were able to effect organizational change, not by literal strategy implementation, but by using these strategies as metaphors to harness consensus and legitimacy in key stakeholder groups. Senior managers utilize the symbols, language and deliberative arenas of formal strategic planning to effect organizational change; however, strategy, in rational terms, needs to be located in the background for its role to be properly understood. The research unpacks complex decision‐making processes in an INGDO and, contrary to normative literature, recommends that, in order to avoid inflationary planning, managers should not take their strategy literally. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
950.
The article discusses the place of anti‐corruption in the post‐war donor agendas. It uses examples from a set of country reports to demonstrate the divergence between the rhetoric and reality of donor‐led initiatives, and the delivery of reform through the governance approach of which addressing corruption has been a part. It suggests that dealing with corruption has often been diluted or downplayed within the wider approach. Within the debate to revise that approach, corruption may be relegated further down the agenda. While recognising the complexity of the post‐war reform process, and the demands from the multiple tasks and volume of funding being addressed by a range of domestic and external actors, the article suggests that failure to address corruption within any new approach in favour of what are considered more pressing reform issues may well cause problems for the future. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献