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11.
Along with a number of other researchers, Patrick Seyd and Paul Whiteley have consistently argued that constituency campaigning in Britain influences constituency election outcomes. In recent work, however, they have denied that the major efforts made by the Labour Party’s national headquarters to target resources and expertise into key seats in the 1997 general election was effective and that, as a consequence, the party had better results in these seats than elsewhere. Using various measures of campaign intensity, however, it is clear that target constituencies did have significantly stronger Labour campaigns than comparable constituencies that were not nationally targeted. Multivariate analysis also suggests that Labour’s performance in targeted seats was better than in comparable seats. 相似文献
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JAMES TILLEY 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(2):299-301
The 2004 report Personal Responsibility and Changing Behaviour: The State of Knowledge and its Implications for Public Policy by the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit is an attempt to draw together social science literature that explains why it is difficult for governments to influence individual citizens. Underlying this is the idea that across diverse areas of policy, state provision of services often has much less impact on outcomes than does an individual's behaviour. Therefore to improve outcomes, government needs to be able to encourage 'personal responsibility'. The authors focus mainly on the role of contracts in changing behaviour in a whole range of different areas; from ASBOs and crime prevention, to home-school agreements and education policy. This report appears to underpin much of the thinking within New Labour as to future policy, and reveals how ideas of personal responsibility are likely to be key to New Labour's manifesto commitments prior to the 2005 general election. 相似文献
13.
Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims
Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se. 相似文献
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本文评介了《2011年家庭工人公约》的基本精神和立法协商机制,对中国相关法律进行了性别审计。借鉴国际经验,提出并论证了一些立法建议,包括遵循人权普遍性和非歧视原则,打破劳动法不调整私人雇佣的思维定势,通过三方协商机制和社会对话确立家政工劳动保障标准。 相似文献
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通过对被保险人对于代位求偿权所负义务性质的剖析,明确了被保险人仅负有不得损害保险人代位求偿权的消极义务。结合英美法的相关制度和判例并联系中国海上保险的司法实践,进一步阐述了被保险人所负义务的内涵。最后结合《中华人民共和国保险法》,对《中华人民共和国海商法》第253条进行检讨,提出对《中华人民共和国海商法》第253条的修改建议。 相似文献
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Visas and work permits: Possible global negotiating initiatives 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We discuss global options for initiatives intended to ameliorate adverse impacts of visa and work permit systems used by national
governments around the world. We first describe and document some of their effects, noting the relative lack of other research
work on these issues. We then discuss proposals for a new and supplemental global visa structure which have been made as part
of the Mode 4 GATS negotiations in the WTO, suggesting that the GATS/WTO may be an imperfect institutional location for negotiating
on these matters. We then evaluate other approaches, including what realistically could be possible if a new body specifically
created for global negotiation in the area were to be used.
相似文献
John WhalleyEmail: |
20.
This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement. 相似文献