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921.
Abstract The article examines the reactions of selected European states to the US-performed ‘reset’ in relations with Russia and explores the ways in which they have been adapting to the new set-up. The article is divided into three parts: after the discussion of the substantive continuity and limited change in US foreign and security policy (USFSP), the multilateral and bilateral dimensions of USFSP procedure are examined through John Ruggie's theoretical observations. The second part of the article deals with implications of the USFSP for Central-Eastern European countries. This part begins with a discussion of Russian attempts to wheedle Europe into embracing its plans for new European security architecture. The next section sheds light on the unexpected process of strategic realignment of the region (USA/NATO/EU/CSDP) and simultaneous transformation of the special relationship with the USA into ‘normal life’. The third part of the article tackles the implications of heightened US–Russian bilateralism for Germany. Authors' findings, many of them based on conducted elite interviews, suggest the contrary process, namely Germany's strengthened multilateral commitment to the EU and specifically to European Security and Defence Policy, limiting the bilateral option to energy trade with Russia. What follows are concluding remarks. 相似文献
922.
Norman Frankel 《政治交往》2013,30(2):151-168
Reporting from a nondemocratic land presents unique problems for journalists and researchers. This is particularly true of a traditional monarchy, such as Jordan, where all important decisions are ultimately the prerogative of the monarch. Journalists must be careful to stay within certain bounds. If they ask the wrong question they are liable to find themselves on the next flight back to their home country. Questions concerning the legitimacy of the monarchy or the competence of the ruling monarch are considered out of bounds. One must try to discern the underlying political reality without straying into forbidden zones. As with Parts 1 and 2, this study continues to provide a view into the complex fabric of Jordanian political reality through interviews with government officials, prominent private citizens with high‐level connections, and former opposition figures. The interviews focus on crucial areas of foreign and domestic policy. 相似文献
923.
Abstract In three empirical studies we examined how people reason about prior convictions in child abuse cases. We tested whether the disclosure of similar prior convictions prompts a mental representation or an additive probative value (Criminal Justice Act, 2003). Asymmetrical use of similar priors were observed in three studies. A pilot study showed that disclosure of a second prior did not contribute a weight equivalent to that of the first disclosure. Study 1 showed jurors did not see left-handed evidence (i.e. matching victim bruising) as more indicative of guilt than right-handedness unless a prior conviction was present, and the presence of priors suppressed the generation of alternative possibilities indicative of innocence. Study 2 showed that disclosure did not decrease community ratings of re-offending propensity and dangerousness as much as a similar prior conviction increased them. We consider the results in the context of a new psychological theory of prior conviction bias and the consequences for the implementation of Section 100 of the Criminal Justice Act (2003). 相似文献
924.
Sexual harassment severely impacts the educational system in the West African country Benin and the progress of women in this society that is characterized by great gender inequality. Knowledge of the belief systems rooting in the sociocultural context is crucial to the understanding of sexual harassment. However, no study has yet investigated how sexual harassment is related to fundamental beliefs in Benin or West African countries. We conducted a field study on 265 female and male students from several high schools in Benin to investigate the link between sexual harassment and measures of ambivalent sexism, gender identity, and rape myth acceptance. Almost half of the sample reported having experienced sexual harassment personally or among peers. Levels of sexism and rape myth acceptance were very high compared to other studies. These attitudes appeared to converge in a sexist belief system that was linked to personal experiences, the perceived probability of experiencing and fear of sexual harassment. Results suggest that sexual harassment is a societal problem and that interventions need to address fundamental attitudes held in societies low in gender equality. 相似文献
925.
ABSTRACTWe compared a total of 340 sexual assault cases based on offender characteristics, victim characteristics, and offence behaviours to identify differences among sexual assaults committed by lone, double, and groups of three or more perpetrators in South Korea. Several differences were found among sexual assaults committed by varying numbers of offenders. First, lone, double, and groups of three or more perpetrators differed with respect to age, marital status, and employment status. Second, substantial differences in victim characteristics were observed with respect to age and the victim–offender (v–o) relationship. Third, significant differences in offence behaviours, including offence type, planning, method of approach, knife possession, and stealing property, were found. Furthermore, we identified several variables that significantly predict group size using logistic regression analyses. The study has theoretical implications for understanding how group dynamics influence the behaviours of rape perpetrators, and practical implications for victim treatment and offender intervention. 相似文献
926.
Lauren Clark Nichola Tyler Theresa A. Gannon Michael Kingham 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(2):240-249
AbstractResearch demonstrates a high incidence of offence-related trauma in mentally disordered offenders convicted of violent and sexual offences. The adaptive information processing (AIP) model offers a theoretical framework for understanding the hypothesised relationship between offence-related trauma and reoffending. Evidence suggests that for a sub-population of offenders presenting with offence-related trauma: (1) therapy may retraumatise them, and (2) unresolved trauma severely blocks the positive benefits of talking therapies. Thus, it is postulated that traumatised violent and sexual offenders may be released into the community when they are still at risk of reoffending. A single case study is presented, which describes the application of eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing (EMDR) for a sexual offender presenting with offence-related trauma, whose offences occurred in the context of serious mental disorder. The identification of offence-related trauma and subsequent resolution of trauma symptomatology are discussed in regard to effective offender rehabilitation. Furthermore, the idiosyncratic nature of offence-related trauma and the application of the standard EMDR protocol for a single traumatic event are considered. 相似文献
927.
928.
《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(1-2):113-128
Abstract The literature surrounding the Field Training Officer (FTO) program examines how police recruits navigate post-academy on-the-job training, the reactions these novices have, and how these fledgling officers assess their training experience. Absent from this literature is any consideration of how new officers perform after graduation from the FTO program. The present study examines 347 monthly evaluations issued by immediate supervisors for 66 rookies at the Tallahassee (FL) Police Department. An analysis of scores registered in 18 areas over the first six months after FTO completion determines that race and sex of the sergeant and officer exhibit a statistical influence on grading practices. While these effects do not appear to taint the transition from probationary to full employment status, long-term ramifications are explored. 相似文献
929.
《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2013,4(1):e77-e78
The examination of sexual assault evidence frequently involves the analysis of samples that comprise mixtures of male and female cells. Separating male and female cells benefits analysis as the results are more likely to be simplified into profiles from single contributors. Some separation methods have focussed on separation of sperm from epithelial cells, but samples without sperm also require separation (vasectomised males, licked skin, etc.). X/Y chromosome FISH labelling when combined with laser micro-dissection (LMD) is a reliable method to separate male and female epithelial cells, but has mostly been combined with increased cycle PCR to create DNA profiles, limiting its use in many forensic laboratories. This study aimed to determine the limits of cell numbers collected by LMD for standard 28-cycle DNA profiling, and to test the effects, if any, on stochastic variation normally caused by sampling effects. Male and female epithelial cells were stained using the Vysis CEP X/Y DNA Probe kits, and collected using a Leica LMD6000. DNA was extracted and amplified by the ESR in-house one-tube method, using standard 28-cycle PCR with the AmpFISTR Identifiler™ (Applied Biosystems) multiplex kit. Full IdentifilerTM DNA profiles were produced using standard 28-cycle PCR, and partial profiles suitable for submission were produced from even relatively low numbers of cells collected. Profiling results were compared with low-copy number PCR on low numbers of cells stained and collected in the same manner, and the observed effects on heterozygote balance are discussed. 相似文献
930.
Abstract Via an analysis of the trans-ASEAN gas pipeline project (TAGP), in this article we argue for a reconceptualising of the regional dynamics of Southeast Asia and the forces shaping them. For this task, we propose an analytical framework based upon social conflict theory that delves within and beyond the state, and which places emphasis upon the roles of both material and ideological factors operating across time in the reordering of particular geographical spaces. The framework reveals that the tensions acting within and upon ASEAN and the TAGP influence regionalism in such a way that the gas pipeline project – much like other ‘regional’ projects – is unlikely to ever come close to fulfilling its brief of enhancing regional security and cohesion. What is more probable is that the project's form will continue to be conditioned by entrenched politico-economic realities and the influence of dominant ideologies – factors which have the capacity to exacerbate existing regional animosities and disparities. 相似文献