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491.
Abstract

Structural damage or abnormality of the brain may be related to offending. What is known about the consequences of lesions to the frontal and temporal lobes and of the results of head injury, suggests psychological changes that might well enhance the risk of offending, and in particular violent offending. Evidence from two sources is reviewed, that based on studies of offender groups and that based on those follow-up studies of clinically defined samples of head injury victims which have reported offence related outcomes. Despite some methodological limitations, the balance of evidence is that frontal damage and possibly temporal lobe damage is related to offending, particularly violent offending, and that head injury can act to precipitate offence related behaviour. It is suggested that future research needs to concentrate more on the factors that mediate the link between brain damage and offending behaviour.  相似文献   
492.
Abstract

This paper aims to introduce a reconceptualisation of dialectic behaviour therapy (DBT), “wise mind–risky mind”, and its application to sexual offender treatment. This reconceptualisation holds some promise in addressing issues around general, affective, cognitive and sexual dysregulation, and may provide an alternative way of thinking about sexual offender treatment. The wise mind–risky mind dialectical construct helps clients and therapists utilise a common language that captures and validates the experiential difficulties that clients go through in effectively managing their risk for sexual offending. The incorporation of DBT principles in standard sexual offender treatment programmes can assist clients in effectively managing problems with dysregulation in various domains. It can also afford a more integrated treatment framework when working with sexual offending dynamics. The authors discuss this new construct and its possible applications within the broader forensic mental health field.  相似文献   
493.
Abstract

Child molesters (n=13) and sexually non-deviant subjects (n=29) were immersed with virtual characters depicting relevant sexual features while their sexual arousal and gaze behaviour were assessed to characterise their sexual preferences and intentional dynamics. Sexual arousal was measured using circumferential penile plethysmography (PPG). Gaze behaviour dynamics were derived from average gaze radial angular deviation (GRAD) and GRAD coefficient of variation (GRADCV). Results show distinct sexual arousal profiles according to sexual preferences and point towards the existence of specific gaze behaviour dynamics guided by sexual intentions. Theoretical interpretations are based on the ecological psychology of J. J. Gibson, the extended mind theory and the integrated theory of sexual offending. Theoretical underpinnings stemming from these approaches are advocated as being especially well suited to explain how virtual reality can help probing into child molesters' phenomenology as lived from the “first-person” stance.  相似文献   
494.
This research note examines patterns of MPs’ voting behaviour during ‘conscience’ or ‘free’ votes on three ‘morality politics’ issues in the lower house of the New South Wales state parliament in Australia: adoption rights for gay couples; scientists’ use of therapeutic cloning; and the status of the Sydney Medically Supervised Injection Centre. First, the research note reviews the literature on conscience voting and hypothesises that party will be the main predictor of voting patterns, but also establishes that previous studies have almost exclusively focused on national legislatures. Next the research note discusses methodological issues. Third, it presents the analysis of free vote patterns in the New South Wales parliament on the three ‘morality politics’ issues, along four key variables: party; sex; social ideology; and religion. The analysis of voting in the New South Wales parliament challenges existing explanations of free voting, where party is the key predictor of voting patterns. Intra-party unity figures show that party membership is a weaker predictor of voting behaviour in the two main political parties in New South Wales than in either the Australian parliament or in overseas parliaments. It is argued that at the subnational level other factors are more important in explanations of free vote patterns.  相似文献   
495.
This paper analyses how disaffection with the EU influenced individuals' likelihood of turning out to vote and of casting a vote for a Eurosceptic party in the 2014 EP elections, and how these relationships were moderated by the Eurosceptic partisan supply of each country. We argue that the degree to which political parties oppose European integration, as well as the ideological leaning of Eurosceptic parties, should influence both the likelihood of disaffected citizens turning out to vote, and their likelihood of voting for a Eurosceptic party. Our empirical findings show that, in the presence of a party that is strongly opposed to European integration, disaffected citizens are more likely to turn out to vote and to vote for a Eurosceptic party provided that this party also shares their ideological leaning in the left-right dimension. These results indicate that Eurosceptic parties are important actors for the politicization of the European integration conflict and for the Europeanization of EP elections, but, at the same time, they suggest that opposition to European integration is subordinate to the traditional left-right conflict.  相似文献   
496.
This article investigates to what extent social democratic parties still benefit from the support of union members at the polls. Not only are social democratic parties confronted with new competitors in the party systems, but also the union confederations of the socialist labour movement are in some countries losing their dominant position due to the rise of separate professional confederations. It is argued in the article that the effect of union membership on voting choice is conditioned by the structure of the trade union movement. The support of union members for social democracy is fostered by the strength of the confederations historically close to this party family, while it is hampered when strong separate (or politically unaffiliated) white‐collar confederations exist. Using European Social Survey and Swedish Public Opinion data, the article shows that social democratic parties still enjoy important support from trade union members, but at the same time are under fierce competition from bourgeois and green parties among members of white‐collar confederations. This reinforces the challenges for social democracy to build new voters’ coalitions in post‐industrial societies.  相似文献   
497.
Many studies have found that political discontent and populist voting are positively related. Yet, an important shortcoming of these studies is that they interpret the correlation between these two phenomena as evidence that existing feelings of political discontent contribute to the support for populist parties. We argue that there is also a causal effect in the opposite direction: Populist parties fuel political discontent by exposing their supporters to a populist message in which they criticize the elite. Our study links individual level data on political discontent of voters to the populist message of the party they intend to vote for, employing various operationalizations of populism. Based on a 6-wave panel study from the Netherlands (2008–2013), we conclude that political discontent is both cause and consequence of the rise of populist parties. Our findings imply that the effect of political discontent on populist voting has been overestimated in many previous studies.  相似文献   
498.
This article analyses the extent to which institutional rules constrain member behaviour in the United States Senate by examining the evolution of its parliamentarian. Interestingly, the US Senate parliamentarian has received surprisingly little scholarly attention given the important role she performs in the legislative process. The subsequent analysis thus provides a new understanding of the parliamentarian's role in the legislative process and the interplay between institutional rules and member behaviour in the Senate. To this end, the following analysis is situated within the context of the two primary theoretical approaches to understanding how institutional rules constrain member behaviour: path dependency and majoritarianism. These contrasting approaches provide expectations about the extent to which members will defer to the parliamentarian's interpretation of Senate rules rather than exercising their own discretionary control over those rules. Examining the evolving relationship between the parliamentarian and individual members affirms the centrality of institutional rules as a constraint on member behaviour over the past several decades. Yet such an examination also yields two surprising, and potentially contradictory, observations. First, individual senators in both parties have increasingly deferred to the parliamentarian to interpret the Senate's rules. This is surprising given that the Senate has simultaneously become more individualistic, partisan, and ideological over the same period. Second, the majority party has recently disregarded the norm of parliamentary constraint reflected in past practice and demonstrated a willingness to ignore Senate rules when doing so was necessary to achieve legislative success. This could signify a potential shift in how majorities view the constraints imposed by Senate rules if current trends of legislative dysfunction continue.  相似文献   
499.
我国当前用工荒的成因探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
由美国金融危机深化和世界经济形势调整所带来的外部环境恶化,对我国产业结构的调整和升级提出了紧迫的要求,而且近几年我国持续的用工荒也逼迫着企业进行产业结构的调整与升级。本文认为,我国目前的用工荒其实质是技工荒,而企业在职培训投入不足则是用工荒的一个重要原因,并用信息经济学的相关理论构建数学模型,从理论上解释了企业对在职培训投入不足的原因。  相似文献   
500.
儒林 《青年论坛》2011,(4):69-71
网络信息传播严重冲击着大学生的人生观、价值观,危害大学生的心理健康,导致大学生道德评价标准的缺失,影响大学生的学术态度和创新能力。提高大学生道德培养水平,要加强师资队伍建设,完善思想道德修养课程体系,营造良好的大学生道德成长环境,提高大学生网络自律意识,建立网上咨询平台,关注人性的全面发展,使网络信息传播与大学生自由发展协调统一。  相似文献   
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